Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 414:

Chapter 414: Chapter 101: The Widening War

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The Industrial Revolution had not yet impacted world affairs as the use of electricity was just beginning. To many at the time, its primary function seemed to be for lighting.

High-powered generators had just appeared, and the use of electricity in industry had yet to begin. Influenced by Franz’s butterfly effect, this Industrial Revolution kicked off in Austria.

The original protagonist of this time and space had now dimmed. Prussia, which established The Second Empire of Germany, was still butting heads with the Russians, and the grandiose American Empire was licking its wounds from the Civil War.

After its split, the internal market of the United States could no longer support an industrial revolution. The heavy casualties of war, accompanied by high pensions, and the internal conflicts among the states, all hindered the development of The Federation.

The economic prosperity that followed the Civil War in the original timeline was nowhere to be seen now. The great powers were not acting as volunteers, and the joint intervention by the four nations was also for their benefit.

After the war, goods from England, France, and Austria flooded the entire American Continent, which was everyone’s compensation for the war.

Spain, due to internal contradictions, fell behind in the Industrial Revolution and did not enjoy this benefit.

…

Moscow, since Alexander II abolished serfdom, had welcomed a period of rapid development as Russia’s second-largest city.

As the second largest industrial area of the Russian Empire, the number of workers in Moscow had exceeded the half million mark, with a total urban population over one million—making it the fourth largest city in Europe by population.

With more people came more social conflicts, which provided development space for the Revolutionary Party. The Tsarist Government’s reforms had only been half-implemented, without enough time to establish a complete system.

The newly risen bourgeoisie, though they had profited from the reforms, still wanted more power. Wait for Alexander II to continue the reforms? Unfortunately, they could not wait.

Moreover, while Alexander II’s reforms protected their interests, they did not allow them access to the center of power.

To pressure the government, these individuals did not hesitate to forge ties with the Revolutionaries. Of course, this was limited to providing covert support; they still did not dare to revolt openly.

Under British coordination, the Revolutionary leader Mattay-Trosky returned to his homeland. This time, they planned to launch an uprising in Moscow and not St. Petersburg because the Tsar had troops there.

On just one occasion of troop rotation by Alexander II, the domestic forces settled down. Russia was not like France, whose military and civilians did not share a profound bond.

Hence, they naturally chose a place with weak military strength but significant influence. Moscow was the best choice, for if they succeeded there, they could divide Russia from east to west.

Mattay-Trosky felt a heavy weight on his shoulders. Don’t be fooled by the seemingly large number of their supporters; the actual chance of a successful uprising was still very low.

In the past two years, the Revolutionaries had initiated five or six uprisings, all ending in failure. Their best record was occupying a small city before being suppressed by the Tsarist army.

Now many needed them to launch an uprising: the British, the French, the Prussians, the Swedish…

In addition to international support groups, there were domestic revolutionary organizations, various factions dissatisfied with the reforms, including: radical Reformists and the aggrieved Conservatives, as well as peasants who got no land…

These people hoped for an uprising, yet they did not wish for the overthrow of the Tsarist Government. The so-called support was merely meant to disrupt the Tsarist Government.

Mattay-Trosky anxiously asked, “August, have we got the weapons?”

August replied jubilantly, “Don’t worry, sir, we’ve got them. I’ve personally inspected them; all one hundred and eighty rifles are imported goods from Austria.”

Mattay-Trosky nodded. Since the Near Eastern War, the Russians had grown accustomed to using Austrian equipment.

Using Austrian-imported weapons for the uprising not only had the advantage of being reliable but was also intended to frame and implicate others.

This was a tactic the British commonly used, which meant a big payoff if successful and no harm done if it failed. They had a longstanding conflict with the Russians, and now it was a case of more debt, less pressure.

As an executor, Mattay-Trosky naturally had no complaints. Although he personally was not anti-Austrian, even a supporter of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, it did not prevent him from accepting British aid.

Compared to before, the London Government had started to be more discreet, avoiding overt support for them; instead, it went through the Kingdom of Prussia.

This wasn’t a sign of the British becoming virtuous; rather, it was due to a change in status. Previously, England and Russia vied for world dominance, so both sides used all means possible.

Now that the Russian Empire had temporarily stepped back from the contest for world hegemony, the victorious British needed to moderate their behavior to maintain a good international reputation.

A world leader could not rely solely on force, as it mostly required using diplomatic means to solve problems; at this time, the London Government naturally had to step back.

…

Undercurrents were stirring in the Russian Empire, and the British proposed peace talks which began in London.

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The negotiation was extremely unproductive; the Russian representative demanded that the British lift their blockade of the Baltic Sea but was refused, leading to a deadlock.

The talks did not affect the battlefield, where the war continued. Under Maoqi’s command, the Prussian Army fought as they retreated, using the Polish Revolutionary Army as cannon fodder for the Russians.

A string of victories greatly boosted the morale of the Russian Army, and it seemed the war was nearing its end.

Looking at the military map, Franz breathed a sigh of relief. The Russian Army, apparently having the upper hand, was actually in danger.

As they condensed their front lines, the forces of the Kingdom of Prussia were also consolidating, and with the Russian Army’s continual advance, their troop strength was inevitably being spread thin.

The battlefield had shifted from the Belarusian Region to the Polish Region, removing the advantage the Russians had from homeland operations.

Although Poland was still technically their homeland, the Polish stood against them, which was no different from being deep in enemy territory.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg reported, “Your Majesty, we’ve just received news that two months ago, a war erupted in the Far East, and the Russians have opened up a new front.”

Franz was startled and then regained his composure. The timing was ahead of schedule, but this was to be expected.

On one hand, it was the diplomatic maneuvering of the British; on the other, the Russians were in their weakest state, making it open season for kicking someone while they’re down.

Compared to Europe and Central Asia, the Far Eastern region is of the least importance to the Russians and also the place where their power is weakest.

Now, with battlefields in both Europe and Central Asia tying up significant Russian forces, even if the Tsarist Government wants to send reinforcements to the Far East, they don’t have the capacity to do so.

It’s not that Alexander II lacks soldiers, nor is he short on funds. The key issue is that Central Asia is already a battlefield, and sending reinforcements to the Far East requires a lengthy detour through Siberia—a journey that takes about a year from Europe.

Moreover, the numbers of forces that can be deployed are limited because their supply lines cannot support a large deployment. These constraints almost certainly mean that the Russians’ defeat in the Far Eastern region is a foregone conclusion.

Franz did not continue this topic and instead asked, “Are the Ottomans about to take action?”

Pressured by England, France, and Austria, the Sultan Government is being urged to join the war. The Sultan fears the Russians but also fears these three major bullies who are merely watching.

The English and French navies frequently appear in the ports of the Ottoman Empire, ostensibly demanding repayment. Austria is also sharpening its swords on the Sinai Peninsula, seemingly intent on reclaiming the Holy Land.

Officially, the Vienna Government has never demanded that the Ottoman Empire declare war on Russia but is merely conducting military exercises.

Isn’t it after these exercises ended that they withdrew from the Sinai Peninsula? They only left a battalion stationed there, proof enough that Austria had no intention of starting a war.

What the Sultan Government thinks, who knows, but England and France have issued an ultimatum to them: either go to war with Russia, or face a conflict with all three, England, France, and Austria.

While this carries more of a threat, the Sultan Government does not dare take the risk. The Ottoman Empire is unable to repay its debts to England and France, while Austria has its covetous eyes on Jerusalem.

The Ottomans are tolerated by everyone so that they may tie down the Russians; if they fail in this, their value becomes nonexistent.

It should be remembered that when the Russians frequently default on debts, they have the confidence to do so. Beyond this exception, which of the remaining countries that dare default has had an easy time?

Take Mexico, for instance: its previous government fell precisely because it defaulted on debts. It was to collect the debts that the French dispatched troops to Mexico and installed Maximilian I as the ruler.

If distant Mexico couldn’t escape misfortune, let alone the nearby Ottoman Empire, it’s an era instinct for the great powers to use force to collect debts.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg answered, “With the support of England and France, the Sultan Government has already issued a national mobilization order.

At present, the Ottoman Empire has amassed an army of three hundred thousand, but they do not intend to attack the Caucasus region; instead, they aim to attack Constantinople.”

Lured by profit into folly!

The idiom involuntarily popped into Franz’s mind.

If they were attacking the Caucasus region, there might be a chance to take advantage opportunistically. Even if the Russians seek revenge later, by utilizing their geographical advantage, they might still hold out.

But Constantinople is different; the political stakes there are too high, and the Tsarist Government would rather lose Poland than give up this place.

Once they seize it, Alexander II will have no choice but to fight to the bitter end. Despite the Russians being harried and internally conflicted, the situation will change when it comes to defending Constantinople.

Franz said with a cold laugh, “If the Sultan Government wants to court death, let them be! It will be just the opportunity to test the results of their reforms. If they fail to perform, it’s time for the Ottoman Empire to meet its end.”

As an old enemy of the Ottoman Empire, Franz naturally intended to continue the Habsburg Family’s noble tradition and eliminate this threat from the east.