Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 357

Chapter 357: Chapter 44, The Lone Individual

The Prussia-Denmark War led to the collapse of the Vienna System, resulting in discord among many small European states. Without the protection of this system, everyone would have to return to the era of insecurity.

As the violator of the rules, Prussia naturally drew considerable enmity. The most direct consequence was that during the Prussia-Denmark War, various nations lined up on the side of the Danish people.

Of course, this does not prevent everyone from supporting the Prussians in their confrontation with Russia. International politics have always been about supporting what is beneficial to oneself and opposing what affects one’s interests.

In St. Petersburg, the whole world was waiting for the Tsarist Government’s move.

If it were the era of Nicholas I, the response would have been a simple one—fight. With its strong power, crippling Prussia would not be difficult for the Russian Empire.

How much it would cost was a difficult question to answer. At the very least, one thing was certain; as long as the Tsarist Government did not act recklessly, the Kingdom of Prussia could not possibly turn the tables.

One look at the map would show how vast the Russian Empire was; a direct assault on Prussia was out of the question, leading to a war of attrition once the fighting began.

Russians were both most averse to and most resilient in a war of attrition. Aside from a lack of money, the Tsarist Government lacked nothing.

Alexander II hesitated—he did not want to fight this war now. With empty pockets, his words carried no weight. Prussia was easy to deal with, but England and France behind it were far more troublesome.

Foreign Minister Clarence Ivanov analyzed, “Your Majesty, the stance of the European nations has become clear; they all denounce Prussia’s illegal actions, but none have taken any substantial measures.

We can initially judge that England and France have pressured them into neutrality in the Prussia-Denmark War, all to strike against us.

If we cannot protect the Kingdom of Denmark, our international reputation will undoubtedly be damaged, even losing our current international standing.”

The Prussians’ attitude is very firm, having already rejected our advice. To protect the Kingdom of Denmark, diplomatic means will not suffice; we must rely on military force.”

“Have the Austrians not taken any action? Do they intend to just let the Vienna System collapse?” Alexander II asked with concern.

“As early as last year, when the Kingdom of Denmark annexed the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies, Austria had already broken diplomatic ties with Denmark.

Now the relations between the two countries have not normalized, making the Vienna Government’s probability of supporting the Kingdom of Denmark nearly zero,” replied Foreign Minister Clarence Ivanov.

This was not the answer Alexander II wanted. The diplomatic break between Austria and Denmark did not stem from a conflict of interests but was rather a matter of political necessity.

The Vienna Government deliberately staged a posture for the German Region’s populace to see, signaling their unweakened determination to unify the German Region.

Political correctness is effective for every government. Now, with Prussia violating the Vienna System and waging war against Denmark, it made sense for Austria to abstain from action.

After all, Prussia too was a German state, whereas Denmark was not. To support kin or justice was a clear choice; Vienna Government’s neutrality indicated strained relations with its Prussian kin.

After a long silence, Alexander II continued to ask, “If we go to war with the Kingdom of Prussia, which side would Austria take?”

This was the core issue: Prussia had already secured the support of England and France, and most European nations hoped to see Russia fail. Without Austria’s support, the war could not be sustained.

“We cannot be completely certain yet, but from the current intelligence, it seems more likely that the Vienna Government will support us.

They want to unify the German Region, and the Kingdom of Prussia is their biggest obstacle. A strong Prussia does not align with their interests.

Even if the Kingdom of Prussia were willing to join the Shinra Empire, the Vienna Government would not want to see a strong sub-state emerge, weakening their control over the Empire,” explained Minister Clarence Ivanov.

After some hesitation, Alexander II made a decision: “Tell the Vienna Government, if we win this war, the Silesia area will be theirs.

Besides preventing them from unifying the German Region, other conditions can be negotiated by the Foreign Ministry—we cannot afford to fight this war without their support.”

To fight, we must fight. The status of the Russian Empire was forged with every sword and gunshot. How could a Tsar who fears war lead Russia?

Destroying the Kingdom of Prussia was not an option, as it would create an opportunity for Austria to unite the German Region. However, giving this defiant little brother a good lesson was very necessary.

Alexander II had made up his mind; there was no escaping it. All European nations wanted to thwart Russia’s reforms, and if it wasn’t this time, it would be the next.

Should the Russian Empire show the slightest sign of weakness, it would face a situation of being preyed upon by many. Austria, now the staunchest ally, might also become a pioneer in the division of Russia.

The best choice was to make an example of the overreaching Prussia; otherwise, the Russian Empire would surely have to cede territory.

…

In the Mexican palace, Maximilian I, upon ascending the throne, was infused with boundless zeal to build Mexico into a great empire.

He governed diligently and loved his people, striving for improvement without favoring any interest group, doing his utmost to uphold justice and fairness. He even pardoned the Republicans and spared his political enemies.

Yet, as time passed, he found, to his dismay, that the domestic situation had not improved but instead had worsened.

Pardoning the Republicans did not ease the political struggle within the country. These people immediately went out to rally troops against him, the Emperor.

The Emperor was diligent and loved the people, but the bureaucracy below him acted recklessly, leading to no good outcome.

The most reckless act was the attempt at impartial justice, as the Constitutionalists who supported his ascent to the throne did not take a dominant position in the new government. Maximilian I shared power with the neutral and opposition parties, which sparked their discontent.

Many members of the Constitutionalists despaired of the Emperor, believing their investment had been in vain and chose to withdraw their support or rather, to watch indifferently from the sidelines.

After all, Maximilian was already Emperor, and even if the Constitutionalists regretted their decision, there was no way for them to replace him with a new one.

The achievements of the previous government’s reforms were selectively preserved by Maximilian, which, due to a lack of consideration for the local conditions, led to dissatisfaction among various social strata.

For example: at the beginning of his reign, the Catholic Church had also made great efforts with the aim of reclaiming their lost lands.

These lands had not been distributed to the people but had mostly fallen into the hands of Republican officials, supportive landlords, and capitalists. Now that the Republicans were politically defeated, the Church naturally struck back.

Under normal circumstances, Maximilian I would definitely have stood by his supporters to combat the Republicans, his enemies.

However, he believed that the Church should not hold too much land. The lands were nationalized and then sold to private individuals, which was a legal transaction.

Undoubtedly, this violated the norm of rewarding one’s own faction. If you can’t bring benefits to your supporters, don’t expect them to continue their support.

It could be said that in just a few short months, Maximilian I not only failed to cultivate a loyal regime, but he also drove many of his supporters to the opposing side.

This was just a part of it, the most classic self-destructive case being that soon after Maximilian I’s ascension, the Mexican Empire’s debts tripled.

As an idealist, he was naturally very easy to cheat.

Facing a financial crisis right after ascending the throne, the government needed funds to operate, and the French Army involved in the Mexican Civil War demanded a return, while the treasury had long been emptied.

In this predicament, Maximilian I had to borrow from abroad. As his supporters, the French naturally took this opportunity, but the French appetite turned out to be rather large.

In addition to France, the interests of the other two intervening nations also had to be secured. Acknowledging the debts incurred by the previous government was one of them.

Here, Maximilian I made another mistake: many of these debts were actually illegal and did not need to be inherited by the new government, but he took them all upon himself.

The infamous Miramar Agreement was thus signed. Maximilian I entrusted a French bank to issue 114 million pesos in bonds, of which the French retained one-third to repay their own debts and another quarter to repay debts of other countries.

After various transaction fees, only 42.18 million pesos remained in Maximilian’s hands – funds that also had to cover the cost of stationing the French Army and maintaining governmental operations.

Without having done anything, the debt had tripled. The informed circles within Mexico naturally disdained this emperor.

Even if there was a need to take out loans, the actual circumstances should have been considered. The Mexican Government couldn’t pay back this debt, and now the French demanded that Maximilian I mortgage the customs duties.

Maximilian I realized he had been duped.

The Mexican Empire was not as rich as rumors suggested. Although rich in silver, most of these mines had foreign powers behind them and hardly paid any taxes.

Maximilian I knew the importance of customs and was unwilling to simply hand them over to the French, and so the confidential agreement period ended.

“Your Majesty, please sign the treaty,” said the French Commander in Mexico, Bazan, presenting Maximilian I with a document without any visible respect for the Emperor.

Maximilian I took the document, tore it up without even looking at it, and scattered the pieces all over the floor. With an icy tone, he said, “Alright, you can leave now.”

As a member of the direct line of the Habsburg Family, Maximilian had his own temper. If the French didn’t show him respect, he certainly would not return the favor.

Bazan’s face turned ashen as he left the Imperial Palace but ultimately did not utter any threats. Not taking Maximilian seriously was one thing, but overtly, he dared not act rashly.

After all, he wasn’t part of the Republican rabble; France was also a monarchy, and upholding the dignity of monarchs was a common will among European monarchies. Bazan naturally would not commit such a taboo.

Not getting the Emperor’s signature was no problem; getting the Cabinet’s signature had the same effect. The French had initially planned to just find any high official to sign and then create a fait accompli.

The Paris Government had already appointed officials for managing the Mexican customs, simply awaiting a final legal procedure to take office.

It was only because of a conflict at a banquet with Maximilian I that Bazan intentionally brought out the document to provoke him.

From the beginning, the French just wanted a puppet Emperor. Unfortunately, Maximilian hardly cooperated at all, still striving to be a good Monarch.

Yet, this effort largely aggravated the situation. As an Emperor pushed to the throne jointly by the French, Constitutionalists, Conservatives and the Church, Maximilian did not politically align with the classes that supported him.

Fancifully hoping to be the most impartial Monarch, he did not wish to be a spokesperson for any political faction. He aimed to establish a moderate government, winning recognition from all sides.

He succeeded halfway in his goal, achieving impartiality and not becoming the spokesperson for any class or interest group.

The other half however, is probably forever out of reach. If it weren’t for the domestic political groups needing him to withstand the pressure from the French, Maximilian would now truly be alone.