Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 338
Chapter 338: Chapter 25, The Great Power Dream
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Days were not easy for not only Wilhelm I, but the tragedy for George I, the German Federal Empire Emperor, was even more profound; his trials were truly difficult.
Because it was the British who supported his accession, while he also held the title of Duke of Cumberland, he was mockingly referred to by the public as “Cumberland I.”
From the beginning, George I’s imperial throne was insecure, with a multitude of princes great and small below him, none of whom paid him any heed. Even with British support, he was powerless against this array of princes.
An elected emperor, his authority was as significant as that of the Emperors of the Holy Roman Empire during the Middle Ages. Aside from being the nominal overlord, the rest of his power was limited mostly to presiding over the Federation Assembly.
That might have been enough, for he could manage Hanover. George I had no expectation that the sub-states beneath him would be obedient to his commands.
Acting as a buffer between major powers, as long as the European situation remained stable, the German Federal Empire was secure.
What caused him the most headache was his low prestige as monarch; many citizens called the German Federal Empire the “Comedic Empire,” and viewed the imposed empire as a humiliation.
Years passed by, and despite George I’s efforts, nothing changed.
If the public did not identify with the Empire, naturally they would not acknowledge him as their Emperor either.
Fearing George I would emulate Franz and use public opinion to usurp their authority, there was an unspoken consensus among the states to suppress his reputation.
George I felt wronged since he hadn’t done anything to deserve being lambasted by the public, destabilizing his rule over Hanover.
If he had known that being an Emperor came with such severe repercussions, he would have preferred not to wear the crown.
But it was too late now; already the butt of jokes, if he abdicated a second time, his family’s reputation would be completely invested in it.
In an effort to salvage his reputation, over the years George I worked diligently and thus governed Hanover rather well.
Unfortunately, there was no comparison. The New Holy Roman Empire also flourished in those years, frequently making its presence felt; against such a backdrop, his accomplishments were overlooked.
After all, Hanover was but a small country; no matter how well it was governed, its economic achievements could not satisfy the people’s desire for a large country politically.
Even if he were to unify the German Federal Empire, it would merely be a medium-sized nation with a population of over ten million; to dream of becoming a great power was truly a fantasy.
Of course, George I’s ambitions were not so lofty; if he could integrate the plethora of small states within the nation and turn the German Federal Empire into a medium-sized power like neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, he would be satisfied.
Reaching that goal was far from easy. Europe was a society governed by legal precedents. Nobility and capitalists protected their interests through the law, and those who broke the rules faced ostracism from everyone.
This denied George I the option of using force to resolve internal state issues, even if Hanover had the strength, he would not dare take military action.
As for the invitation from the Vienna Government to colonize Southeast Asia, he was not very interested. George I had his supporters; as a piece of the Great Britain Empire on the European Continent, he had no need to mix with Austria to establish colonies.
The British did not have unlimited power, so they had become more selective. John Bull long disdained regions of low economic and strategic value.
Such regions could be handed over to subordinates; for reference, the Netherlands and Portugal shared some of the territories that John Bull found uninteresting.
Unfortunately, the German Federal Empire was not George I’s to command alone; numerous states and Free Cities within were interested in opening overseas colonies in Southeast Asia.
“Paul, do you think we need to venture into the murky waters of Southeast Asia?”
As George I’s chief of staff, Paul pondered for a moment before replying, “Your Majesty, that depends on what you want.
The strategy employed by the Vienna Government is an open secret; by now, the fertile lands of the whole world have been largely parceled out, and territories as lush as Southeast Asia are scarce.
The Austrians certainly want to rally domestic interest groups in preparation for the unification of the Germany Region, which presents an opportunity for us as well.”
Though we have many states within the nation, their power is very limited; to establish overseas colonies, we can only band together.
Without a navy, colonization is impossible. If we unite to build a navy, as the Central Government, we have a great chance of taking the lead.”
George I was moved; controlling the navy would make the Central Government more than a figurehead, and as Emperor, he would no longer be a mere rubber stamp.
If he could reap substantial rewards from overseas colonization, his imperial prestige was sure to soar.
No matter whether the Empire could be consolidated or not, at least he would not have to suffer insults every day. After all, if the disintegration of the Germany Region was a shared responsibility, why should he alone bear the blame?
If the states were resolute in merging with Austria, not even England and France could stop it.
George I hesitantly said, “This will likely be difficult, even if we succeed in establishing colonies, the division of benefits later would be a problem.”
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Paul, confident in his strategy, said, “Your Majesty, trouble brings opportunity. Only when the sub-states have discord among themselves will they stop joining forces against you.”
“Only by dividing and dissolving their alliance can you truly control the Empire.”
The word “Empire” always sounded irritating in George I’s mind, but as an Emperor, he still yearned for power.
As for the Austrian threat, from beginning to end, both men tacitly avoided mentioning it. Unlike Wilhelm I, George I never expected to confront Austria with military might.
The German Federal Empire itself was a nation in need, with limited strength; the best way for it to survive was to act as a buffer between larger nations. As long as no single power dominated the European Continent, they would be safe.
Under this philosophy, the Kingdom of Hanover had barely developed its military capabilities, instead, its economy had advanced to the forefront of Europe, in stark contrast to the Kingdom of Prussia.
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Vienna Palace
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, “Your Majesty, both Prussia and the German Federation have accepted our invitation, we can proceed to the next step of the plan.”
Upon hearing this news, Franz brought out a map of Southeast Asia, clearly marked with the sphere of influence of various countries.
“Which area do you think is suitable for them?”
Since it’s a lure, it naturally has to be enticing. Otherwise, their ambitions, with much effort aroused, would fizzle out instantly.
Once the first colonial venture is profitable, there will be no need for Franz to interfere further; driven by interest, they will venture further and further down the colonial path.
Minister Weisenberg proposed, “Your Majesty, let the German Federation colonize Malaysia, and let the Kingdom of Prussia take over either Sumatra or the Indochina Peninsula. These would be good choices.”
Without a doubt, such arrangements were also loaded with ulterior motives. These areas might look unclaimed, but in reality, the British already had their eyes on Malaysia, although they had not yet had the opportunity to take it over.
If Austria occupied Malaysia, it would threaten the security of Singapore. To safeguard the Strait of Malacca, John Bull would definitely not agree, but it would be different with the German Federal Empire.
A small country poses no threat, and it’s also a junior partner to the British. John Bull is very likely to turn a blind eye, as they have too many colonies to manage them all.
Even if Britain were to intervene, Austria would suffer no loss. On the contrary, they could use this conflict to sow discord between the British and the German Federal Empire.
Having the Prussians choose between Sumatra and the Indochina Peninsula also serves a political purpose.
The former has long been coveted by the Dutch. More than a decade ago, the British and the Dutch reached an agreement for the Dutch to take Sumatra as compensation for giving up the Strait of Malacca.
If the Prussians snatch Sumatra, relations between Prussia and the Netherlands are bound to collapse. To claim Sumatra, the Dutch have already waged several wars and have taken over some territories on the island.
The Indochina Peninsula may seem ownerless, but the French have already set their sights on it. However, the Paris Government is currently preoccupied with the annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia and has not yet taken action.
Once the Prussians enter the Indochina Peninsula, they would be laying another thorn in the future Prussia-France conflict. Unless the Prussians achieve an overwhelming success and take over the entire peninsula before the French act.
Franz nodded in satisfaction and then asked, “The bait is set nicely, but they can also see these issues. How can you ensure they take the bait?”
Minister Weisenberg explained, “Your Majesty, this is all part of an overt stratagem. The tentacles of England and France reach across the world; surely we cannot expect everyone to refrain just because they might be interested, right? Now is a prime opportunity, as England and France are both preoccupied. As long as we maintain secrecy, by the time they notice, it will be a fait accompli.”
“Interests sway hearts; we can arrange for a little advocacy, letting them know this is a risk that must be taken for overseas colonization.”
Franz nodded in understanding.
Conflicts between overseas colonies are commonplace, such as: the Anglo-Portuguese conflict in South Africa, Anglo-French-Dutch conflicts in Southeast Asia, Anglo-French conflicts in Australia, and conflicts between England, France, and Austria in West Africa…
There are plenty of such examples, and in these conflicts, the victors are not always the great powers; at least in Southeast Asia, it’s the Dutch who are dominant.
These conflicts won’t erupt immediately. France is still making its final efforts to annex Sardinia, and Britain is plotting the partition of the United States.
Only after they finish with these will they have the capacity to consider Southeast Asia. By that time, Prussia and the German Federation would have already established their first colonies.
After tasting the first fruits of colonization, the benefiting capitalists and nobility will push the two countries towards a frenzied pursuit of a colonial empire.
However, they will soon realize that the world has been almost fully divided, and what’s left are mere scraps.
Unfortunately, they don’t have the strength to seize these scraps. Driven by interest, the dream of becoming a great power will once again become mainstream in society
