Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 308
Chapter 308: Chapter 57, Constitution Establishment
“Finally finished!”
“This is just the first step. It still has to pass through the state parliament and receive Your Majesty’s approval before it can come into effect!”
“It’s just a revision, what’s there to be afraid of?”
…
Indeed, this was the New Holy Roman Empire’s Constitutional Committee, and those present were representatives sent by the governments of the various sub-states.
The Constitutional Committee had been established as early as 1854, but due to significant differences among the various parties, the process had dragged on until now.
The constitutional draft had finally been completed. Before this, the New Holy Roman Empire had been using a unified agreement signed by the various sub-states.
The constitutional draft soon appeared on Franz’s desk.
Having reviewed it from beginning to end, Franz’s brow furrowed slightly. This constitution was essentially a result of compromises from all sides, with its greatest advantage probably being the protection it offered to imperial power.
This was an inevitable outcome. The members of the Constitutional Committee were all supporters of the monarchy, with the exception of the Free City, every sub-state had its own king.
Where one sits determines where one stands. If the Emperor’s authority was limited, how could the king’s authority be safeguarded?
From the perspective of power, the kings of the sub-states were Franz’s best allies. Both imperial authority and royal authority were on the same side, and a loss to one was a loss to both.
The other provisions were more or less in line with the actual situation of the New Holy Roman Empire.
It was almost a carbon copy of the German Empire’s system, with the governments of the sub-states having a high degree of autonomy. Aside from the prohibitions against secession, the requirement for a unified currency, and the need to maintain consistency with the Central Government in foreign affairs, there were virtually no restrictions.
The military command belonged to the Emperor and the kings. According to the constitution: Franz and the kings of the sub-states had the right to command the state armies, but the Central Government did not have this power.
The military was divided into two types: the Central Army and the State Army. The Central Army was under the direct control of the Emperor, with the costs shared by the governments of the various sub-states; the State Army, on the other hand, reported directly to the king and was financed solely by its own sub-state.
Theoretically, as long as the sub-state government had the funds, it was legal to maintain an army of a million troops without interference from the Central Government, although the Emperor retained command authority.
The new version of the constitution directly separated the military from the government, turning the state’s military into the private army of the Emperor and the kings.
Taxation followed the same principle, with citizens paying taxes to the king and the Emperor, while the Central Government and sub-state governments merely managed it.
In this respect, it bore some resemblance to the British system, except that the Emperor held slightly more power.
Senior officials of the Central Government were appointed by the Emperor, and all high-ranking officials were required to have local or ministerial experience, along with a proven track record of achievements.
From the outset, this cut off any possibility of rapid, unearned elevation, or in other words: the Grand Vizier must rise through the ranks of regional or ministerial service.
It is worth mentioning that eligibility for parliamentary elections was opened up, but it was a high-standard version.
Franz estimated that according to these standards, the number of people eligible to vote would not exceed one percent, and the number of those eligible to run for election would be even fewer.
Following the British model, parliament was divided into an upper house and a lower house, with the upper house composed of nobility and the lower house elected by the citizens.
To qualify for voting rights, one had to meet the following conditions: possess citizenship of the New Holy Roman Empire, have long-term residency within the Empire’s mainland or colonies, be at least thirty years of age, have a secondary school education or higher, more than ten years of work experience in society, made a definite achievement in their field, have no criminal record, and maintain proper political ideology…
The qualifications for candidates were even stricter. In addition to meeting the above criteria, they had to pass assessments on social contribution, personal comprehensive ability, and political, ideological, and moral integrity…
There’s no doubt, if this standard is carried out, it is estimated that the future parliament of the New Holy Roman Empire will be very harmonious.
Those who are able to break through are essentially all old men now, whether it’s verbal confrontations or physical fights, they have the will but not the power.
Undoubtedly, this election model is a heavy blow to political parties. Being good at speeches is useless; even with grandiloquent claims, you’ve got no right to vote, not even the qualification to vote.
The voters all have a certain level of knowledge and are industry elites, long past the naïveté of youth. These people have little desire to change the status quo, and it’s not easy to cheat them.
Even if all these conditions are satisfied, that would only make one a legislator. To go from legislator to Prime Minister, one still has to climb from the grassroots level upward; elections are no shortcut.
These restrictive conditions were not set up by Franz, at most he merely hinted at it; the rest was all conjured up by the Constitutional Committee.
Thinking about it, it’s normal. Since the current Constitutional Committee members are all stakeholders, it’s natural for them to protect their own interests.
Don’t think that those from humble beginnings will expand the right to vote. The ultimate result is often just the opposite; these are the very people who are most opposed to expanding suffrage.
The human heart is complicated. Before attaining privileges, people oppose them; once they have gained privileges, their perspectives change and they want to maintain those privileges.
As elites of society, naturally, they don’t want more people coming in to share the rights, and eventually it turns into elitist politics.
Whether elitist politics are good or bad, Franz also cannot answer. However, as an Emperor, it aligns with his interests.
A bunch of rational, conservative elites entering the circle of power is always better for national development than letting in a bunch of immature, blusterous people.
Upon seeing political donations, Franz unhesitatingly crossed it out and noted, “Any act of political donation is to be regarded as bribery and dealt with severely according to the relevant regulations.”
After some thought, he added another rule, “The media, corporations, and individuals are prohibited from engaging in related political advertising; violators will be prosecuted for manipulating political elections.”
As for how voters should cast their votes without advertising, that’s none of Franz’s business. It seems, listing one’s personal resume might just about work—barely acceptable!
After all, everyone’s the same; fair and just, no one gets an advantage.
It’s certainly better than letting the power of capital intervene, turning the parliament into slaves under the control of the capitalists’ money.
Since it is a constitution, there are naturally clauses that limit the Emperor’s power. For instance, he must abide by the constitution, and it explicitly specifies the withdrawal percentages for the royal family’s annual funds, and so on.
These should suffice, do not expect that a Constitutional Committee appointed by Emperors and Kings will truly establish a constitution that restricts imperial authority.
These clauses are all tacitly approved by Franz. At most, they’ve just strengthened the Cabinet’s powers, but the foundation of the Cabinet’s power comes from the Emperor; they are just scapegoats.
It is worth mentioning the law of imperial succession. Franz made changes to it, stipulating that if the first heir is unable to fulfill the responsibilities of Emperor due to personal physical or mental reasons, the throne will directly pass to the heir second in line.
There’s no choice, after the reign of Ferdinand I and a near disaster, the Habsburg Royal Family has been scared, dreading a repeat. After all, not every time can one be so fortunate to turn danger into safety.
If it weren’t for the many loyal followers of the Habsburg dynasty, Austria would have become a constitutional monarchy during Ferdinand’s time, and Franz wouldn’t have had the chance to establish his own constitution.
After reviewing several times and finding no issues, Franz transmitted his opinions. Naturally, someone would find reasons to carry out his will.
This is just a draft; there’s still a long time ahead for wrangling. The Central Government and the State Governments have to engage in political games, fighting for their respective rights.
Ultimately, a constitution is just a broad framework; the results of specific clauses will depend on the political maneuvering of all parties involved.
