Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 237

Chapter 237: Chapter 124, The Age of the Great Powers
While the battle of Constantinople was in full swing, the conference that would determine the fate of the Kingdom of Greek had also begun.

The location was still in Paris, for in order to enhance the international status of France, Napoleon III had been very enthusiastic about hosting such events since his accession to the throne.

On this minor issue, no one was inclined to contend with them; regardless of the location of negotiations, the final result would be the same.

Neither the London Government nor the Austrian Government lacked such prestige. It wasn’t a belligerent nation involved, so there was no need to fight over face to win or lose.

The people of this era were not lacking in internationalism, and the Greek Government’s activities managed to draw many countries into participation; of course, apart from a few major powers, most countries had no right to speak.

England and France were at war with Russia, and the Greek issue was also related to this war. England and France unceremoniously excluded the Russians from the conference, which was also a blow to the Kingdom of Greek.

Originally, Otto I had wanted to hold the meeting in Athens, invite the representatives of all nations as a neutral country, and use international pressure to force the British to withdraw their troops.

Clearly, the Greek Government did not have that much say. The French proposed the meeting in Paris, the Vienna Government was indifferent, and the British did not want to dispute with the French over this minor issue, so the matter was settled.

The Greek Foreign Minister Skibata said angrily, “Allied soldiers have entered our territory without permission, grossly violating our sovereignty.

As a neutral nation, we protest severely against such arbitrary infringement of our sovereignty and demand that the Allied Forces stop this act of violation and withdraw from the Greek Peninsula immediately.”

Without the issue of compensation, Skibata lacked confidence; he just hoped for the withdrawal of the Allied Forces, bearing the losses on their own.

The troops that entered the Kingdom of Greek included the British Army, the Sardinian Army, and the Ottoman Empire army. Due to the alliance of France with these three countries on the Near East battlefield, it fell to the New Holy Roman Empire to mediate this incident.

No problem there; the war between the Austrian Empire and the Ottoman Empire had not yet ended, but the New Holy Roman Empire was a neutral country.

Such peculiar affairs occurred too frequently during the era of the Shinra Empire. A certain marquess country could be at war with a foreign nation, and the Holy Roman Empire could still maintain neutrality.

This was a historical legacy, recognized by all European nations, so having another occurrence now was not a big deal.

After all, it was not England and France at war with Austria. They certainly wouldn’t care if the Ottoman Empire felt humiliated. At this point in the war, the Ottoman Empire had already started to play a minor role, and its status in the alliance was inevitably slipping.

Naturally, the Sultan Government was not going to protest over such a trifle, as they too had a ceasefire treaty with Austria. With thicker skin, one could even claim that the war between the two countries had already ended.

This war had thoroughly exasperated the Sultan Government, bringing them to the sobering realization of their own lack of strength, and it became very important for them to embark on reforms to strengthen themselves, as well as to maintain good relations with the major powers.

The Russians could be considered the sole exception; they were the sworn enemy of the Ottoman Empire, with no possibility of compromise between them, still locked in combat.

The British Foreign Minister Thomas said dismissively, “Mr. Skibata, how can you say that the Allied Forces entered your country’s territory unprovoked?

The main reason the Allied Forces entered your country’s borders was to pursue the enemy, which was done in consideration of your country’s security.

We previously notified you, and only upon your implied consent did the Allied Forces enter your country’s territory.”

If protests were of any use, what would be the need for an army?

With the Kingdom of Greek playing dumb, the British also acted shamelessly. Without armed resistance, it’s as good as consent—that is a correct understanding.

The British categorically denied that the Allied Forces had forcibly entered Greek territory, insisting that the Greeks had consented by not obstructing them.

Now, by asking the Greeks to hand over the rebel army, they were essentially setting a trap. Officially, the Greek Government could not possibly acknowledge a connection between themselves and these troops; the British directly viewed these people as rebels of the Ottoman Empire.

Since they are rebels, this is a domestic issue of the Ottoman Empire; hence, it does not apply to the neutral country’s disarmament and repatriation clause after war.

The British’s demand for the handover of the rebel army thus appeared justified, and if the Greek Government lacked the capacity to deliver the rebel army, that would imply sheltering or supporting the rebels. The military action of the Allied Forces to cross borders and strike was thereby excusable.

Skibata was deflated in an instant; when it came to playing hardball, they really were no match for the British, and quickly found themselves in an awkward position.

They could never admit to the attack on the Ottoman Empire; both England and France were allies of the Ottoman Empire, and such an admission would spell disaster.

Yet, they were unable to fulfill the current British proposal, hand over the “rebel army”? That was a joke—if they dared do so, it’s likely they wouldn’t even need to wait for the British to act, as their own people would probably rebel first.

Nobody voiced support for them on this matter. With the truth laid bare for all to see, attempting to feign ignorance and muddle through was out of the question; did they really think John Bull was a fool?

Even though France and Austria did not want the British to annex Greece, they couldn’t possibly act as ignorant as the Greeks on this matter. People still cared about reputation, especially when it involved the British; the dignity of the Great Britain Empire was not to be trampled upon.

The Greek representative walked right into a trap at the start of the negotiations, so as the mediator, the representative from the New Holy Roman Empire, Menternede, naturally couldn’t allow him to continue stumbling into the pit.

“All present are well aware of the causes and consequences of the matter; let’s not beat around the bush any further. Let’s get straight to the point and discuss the most pragmatic issues at hand!”

Menternede’s intention was clear; the British were not to be trifled with by the Greeks, and when a mistake has been made, a price must be paid. There’s no point in harboring illusions in the face of facts.

The powers that be did not need evidence; if they believed it to be true, that was sufficient. Not exposing the truth was merely an unspoken mutual understanding; in the end, what had to be done still needed to be done.

French Foreign Minister Auvergne lightly steered the conversation away from the sensitive issue, saying, “Considering the conduct of the Greek Government in this war, we must impose certain sanctions.”

His intention was clear, to use sanctions to silence the British from proposing to turn the Kingdom of Greek into a colony.

Was the London Government determined to annex the Kingdom of Greek at this time? The answer was no.

The London Government was being tormented by public opinion and was still trying to solve the logistical problems of the expeditionary force; they hardly had any spare energy to cause trouble elsewhere.

Now, the voices in the London Government that advocated the colonization of the Kingdom of Greek had just emerged and were far from becoming mainstream.

If no country objected, then they would have just swallowed it up. John Bull still had an appetite for the Kingdom of Greek.

However, once the French proposed holding the Paris Conference, and the Austrians deluded themselves, bearing the banner of the New Holy Roman Empire as mediators, Thomas knew that the annexation of the Kingdom of Greek was impossible.

Although the strategic value of the Kingdom of Greek was high, its own benefits were not substantial and did not warrant the British falling out with France and Austria over it.

Testing the waters, Thomas proposed, “Given that the Kingdom of Greek sent troops against our ally, the Ottoman Empire, without a declaration of war, I propose we abolish the Greece Government and King, with our government taking charge of Greek affairs.”

Menternede objected, “Mr. Thomas, this probably goes too far.

The Greece Government is directly responsible for this incident, and their dismissal is warranted, but to abolish the King would be an overstep.

A monarch’s dignity is inviolable. The Greece Government led this incident, and His Majesty Otto I has nothing to do with it; he should not be held responsible.

After the dismissal of the Greece Government, there will inevitably be some chaos. It would be somewhat difficult for your country to manage Greek affairs alone; it would be better for us to co-manage.”

There was nothing wrong, as on the European Continent, there were generally just a few scenarios in which a king might be deposed—coming to power illegitimately or being expelled by the people, neither of which applied to Otto I.

As a member of a monarchy, upholding the dignity of a king was a compulsory course for everyone.

Thomas was merely probing. Insisting on deposing Otto I would not serve his personal political future well; the real interest lay in the provisional management of the Kingdom of Greek.

“Indeed, the affairs that occurred in the Kingdom of Greek belong to an international issue, and it should not be left to your government to bear all the pressure alone. As a responsible major country, France is willing to contribute to this cause,” declared Auvergne, the French Foreign Minister.

No matter how nicely he phrased it, ultimately it all came down to interests. Clearly, the French were not prepared to concede their interests in the Near East.

Soon, the conference stepped into a state of contention among England, France, and Austria, leaving the Greek representatives sidelined.

Naples, Tuscany, the Papal State, and the Kingdom of Sardinia—these four stakeholder countries—had not spoken a word from beginning to end.

Being able to attend this conference was already a matter of prestige granted by the great powers.

Although the Greek issue affected their interests, they were smart enough to know that mortals suffer when gods clash, that it was better to keep out of the way and avoid being the fish in the proverbial pond that suffered.

The representatives of the other European countries needed not even be mentioned; those who were not Mediterranean countries were not involved in their own interests, and naturally, they didn’t concern themselves and kept out of it entirely.

Why engage in the games of the three great powers if one could not see any distinct benefits?

In this era, the rulers of small countries that had survived on the European Continent were smart people; none would act so recklessly.

After more than half a month of fierce debate, the three countries finally reached a consensus, and all nations signed the “Resolution on the Greek Kingdom.”

The throne of Otto I was preserved, the Greece Cabinet Government was held responsible for the incident, and had to resign and bear the consequences.

An international oversight committee formed by England, France, and Austria would guide the Kingdom of Greek in forming a new government.

In name, the three countries managed Greece, but in reality, regarding benefits distribution, it was the British who got the lion’s share, followed by the French, with the New Holy Roman Empire contributing the least and reaping the smallest rewards.

This was considered a situation where each party got what they needed; the British secured the greatest interests in Greece, France and Austria prevented the British from annexing the Kingdom of Greek, and Otto I successfully maintained his throne.

The interests of the Ottoman Empire were sacrificed, as they did not receive the war reparations they longed for. The Kingdom of Greek was so poor that it couldn’t afford to pay anything.

With the Greek Government now under the control of the three countries, one couldn’t expect them to dig into their own pockets to pay the reparations, could they?

For a long time to come, Greece’s finances would go towards repaying debts to England and France, as due to the war, the Greece Government had several loans that were overdue.

Of course, this provisional management was only temporary. The new government would receive the authority after it was established, as the three countries, mutually restraining each other, could not dominate indefinitely.

The financial management might last a bit longer, as the Kingdom of Greek must be able to repay its debts on time in order to reclaim its fiscal autonomy.

The Greece Government opened its markets and ports fully to the three countries, their ships were granted free navigation and stationing rights in the Kingdom of Greek, and all customs, coinage rights, salt and tobacco taxes, and road building rights fell into the hands of the three nations.

Clearly, apart from the division of profits, the agreement was also aimed at the Russians. With the Aegean Sea’s numerous islands, the English and French navies could blockade the Russians at any time beyond the Two Straits.

This could only be considered a show of force, as the Russians hadn’t even managed to take Constantinople, and without control over the first Bosphorus Strait, the Aegean Sea was too far from them.

The signing of the “Resolution on the Greek Kingdom” marked the full advent of the era of the great powers.

In this era, as long as the great powers reached a consensus, they could decide the fate of a nation. The brutal nature of a world where the strong prey on the weak was fully displayed.