Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 223

Chapter 223: Chapter 110, Scheming

Translator: 549690339

In a manor in Paris, a nobility banquet was taking place. In an inconspicuous corner, British Foreign Minister Thomas and Russian Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell gathered together.

If word of this got out, the front page headline of the Paris newspapers could be reserved in advance.

Carl-Wassell frowned and asked, “Mr. Thomas, you didn’t invite me over just to drink, did you?”

Originally, he was busy flirting with noble ladies at the party, enjoying himself thoroughly until Thomas, who had sought him out, interrupted the fun—unsurprisingly souring his mood.

In discussions, Carl-Wassell didn’t believe there was anything worth talking about with the English. Besides, the setting was all wrong; the attempted secrecy was like trying to hide an affair by covering one’s ears—a clear invitation for the Austrians to discover what was happening.

Thomas responded cheerfully, “Mr. Carl-Wassell, don’t you think Austria has become a bit too powerful after annexing the South German Region?”

Carl-Wassell’s expression changed; there were many within the Tsarist Government who felt Austria was too strong, and he was one of them. It was one thing to discuss such matters in private, quite another to have them exposed by an Englishman. He dared not admit it.

Who knew if there were Austrian spies nearby, and even if there weren’t, the British likely had ways to inform Austria about the content of the conversation.

Being politically astute, Carl-Wassell recognized the trap the British had laid and naturally didn’t follow the topic further.

Without any courtesy, he retorted, “Mr. Thomas, if you’re concerned about this matter, you need not trouble yourself. Our actions are not subject to your meddling.”

Ignoring Carl-Wassell’s brusqueness, Thomas continued with a smile, “Mr. Carl-Wassell, there are no eternal friends in this world, only eternal interests. Today you and Austria are allies; tomorrow you could become enemies.

Now, to preserve the alliance, you indulge Austria’s expansion in the German Region; tomorrow you might face a unified Central European Empire.

It’s always wise to prepare in advance to prevent rather than react.”

Without letting Thomas finish, Carl-Wassell excused himself and left; he already regretted his rash contact with the British.

The Russian-Austrian Alliance was Russia’s most important foreign policy—how could it be changed so easily? They could not abandon the pact merely because of a potential threat.

If he couldn’t see through such an obvious attempt at sowing discord, then there really was a problem.

To the discerning observer, what seemed like an unamicable meeting had actually undergone a substantive shift.

Carl-Wassell failed to notice these issues but had to admit the effectiveness of the British in sowing discord. Deep down, he was as wary of Austria as the Austrian Government was of the Russians—a need to be cautious, even with allies.

This was where Thomas excelled; once things were brought into the open, it became difficult to remain unaffected.

Whether or not to sabotage Austria now became the difficult question before Carl-Wassell, and considering the gravity of the situation, he hesitated.

After a sleepless night, the conference proceeded as scheduled the next day. When Thomas made things difficult, Carl-Wassell found himself speaking less involuntarily.

Originally, the British and Prussians were one group, Russia and Austria another, while the French meddled from the sidelines, and the Spanish representative presided over the meeting, coming forward to announce a recess when there was a deadlock.

Now the French had changed their stance, and Carl-Wassell’s support was insufficient. From the start, Metternich faced immense pressure.

However, negotiations weren’t about numbers; otherwise, if all the countries opposing Austrian expansion were pulled together, there would be even more opponents, and the need for explanations was unnecessary.

The battle-hardened Metternich wasn’t intimidated by the righteous rhetoric of the representatives from England, France and Prussia; he remained undisturbed.

Thomas threatened, “Mr. Metternich, if Your government refuses to give up on establishing the Holy Roman Empire, then the countries will have to sanction you.”

Unruffled, Metternich retorted, “Fine, we can make concessions. We won’t establish the Holy Roman Empire; what if we establish a New Holy Roman Empire instead?”

This was merely sidestepping the issue; after so much effort, it wasn’t just a matter of Austria changing its name, but rather giving up the gains it had acquired.

More direct threats and enticements wouldn’t be laid out at the conference by Thomas; those would need to be communicated privately. One couldn’t simply ask Austria to defect in front of the Russians, could they?

The Russians were not foolish; the moment even a hint was shown, they would react immediately and take measures.

Thomas’s series of actions were indeed meant to create a rift between Russia and Austria, in preparation to dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance.

A fly doesn’t sting an egg without a crack; if there were no gaps between Russia and Austria, the British had no opportunity to interfere!

Secondly, they aimed to suppress Austria, and Thomas was very clear on this strategy of primary and secondary objectives. It seemed to be working well; the Russians’ inaction undoubtedly became a thorn in Metternich’s heart.

After the meeting, without giving Metternich time to think, Thomas laid his cards on the table.

Either abandon the Russian-Austrian Alliance and Austria could fully swallow the gains made, or maintain the alliance and regurgitate the acquired gains, or face an intervention by the Nine-country alliance.

If he were an ordinary man, he would have been frightened; Metternich was equally unsettled inside, yet outwardly he showed no weakness.

He sarcastically replied, “Mr. Thomas, that joke isn’t funny. Are you sure you’re not jesting about the Nine Nations Alliance Army?

The Netherlands and Belgium have conflicts, Spain and Portugal’s relationship is hardly better, and if Your country could cooperate closely with the French, the Near East conflict would have ended long ago.

If you can manage to make this contradictory alliance close-knit, then I have nothing to say, for Austria lacks the strength to contend with the Nine Nations.”

If Thomas could accomplish that, he wouldn’t need to sit here talking; the moment the Allied Forces moved, the Austrian Government would capitulate without question.

Everyone was no fool; interfering with Austria depended on benefits. Without sufficient interests, even if the British forcibly brought them together, their efforts would be lackluster.

Perhaps, in the eyes of many, betraying Austria by using an ally as a pawn is more profitable than attacking it directly, as it allows one to kill an enemy with a borrowed knife and deplete the enemy’s strength.

This kind of betrayal among allies has been done many times by the British, who could be said to have lowered the moral baseline between allies. Now, everyone has started to follow suit, and the once close cooperation no longer exists.

When his vulnerability was exposed, Thomas calmly said, “Mr. Metternich, while all these problems exist, the strength advantage of the Nine Nations Alliance Army simply cannot be ignored, even with all its internal conflicts.

Even if just Prussia and France were to join forces, your country might not be able to withstand it.

Do not doubt our determination; if need be, we can pull back the Allied Forces stationed on the Crimea Peninsula. As long as we hold Constantinople, the initiative is in our hands.

If we make certain concessions and recognize the Russians’ occupation of Bulgaria and the Danube Basin, what do you think are the chances of the Russians compromising?

In the face of interests, will the Russians care about the Russian-Austrian Alliance? The credibility of the Tsarist Government is well known to all; do you really need to test it again?”

Unfazed, Metternich said, “Mr. Thomas, I admit that you make a very good point. Unfortunately, while you can make concessions to the Russians, the French cannot!

Mr. Thomas, I suggest you might want to take a walk on the streets of Paris and see for yourself the French public’s attitude towards the Near East war.”

There was no choice; the French public had been repressed for too long and had just burst forth.

Napoleon III did not wage war against Russia simply out of personal will, but due to the French public’s dissatisfaction with the defeat in the anti-French War, and their desire for revenge against the Russians.

In this ideological context, asking the Paris Government to make concessions is essentially asking Napoleon III to step down.

When it comes to their own interests, even the British, who are quite persuasive, cannot make Napoleon III compromise.

Threats in the future, that is a matter for the future. If concessions are made now, the French public does not have such foresight, and they would immediately demand he steps down.

At this point, Napoleon III might not be able to win the Near East war, but he certainly cannot afford to lose, no matter how great the losses of the French Army on the battlefield, he must end it with a significant victory.

It’s not like the Tsarist Government can put on an act and deliberately sustain a great loss, as military man Nicholas I would not do such a thing, no matter how great the interests at stake.

The Tsarist Government also cannot afford to lose; if they did, they would no longer be the master of the European Continent, and the suppressed domestic conflicts would immediately detonate, sacrificing oneself for others is not something they would do.

St. Petersburg

Franz was mingling with a group of Russian Aristocrats, living a life of daily indulgence and extreme luxury.

Public relations with other countries? Apart from exchanging views with Nicholas I on the future strategy of the two countries and further political communication, the rest was handled by his subordinates.

Regarding the unification of Germany, Franz only made a token mention, to which Nicholas I responded in a formulaic manner, stating everything would be done according to the treaty.

Most of the time, the man who would later be known as the illustrious Alexander II entertained him, as Nicholas was too busy with state affairs to have much time for leisure.

Franz enjoyed sightseeing at the famous places of St. Petersburg, attending noble banquets, and occasionally flirting with Noble Ladies, overall having a great time in St. Petersburg.

An adjutant whispered into Franz’s ear, “Your Majesty, a telegram from the Paris conference has been forwarded from Vienna, please review it.”

Thanks to the establishment of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, to improve communication between the two countries, a telegraph line from St. Petersburg to Vienna had finally been connected.

Franz was a responsible Emperor; even while away in St. Petersburg, he did not neglect matters at home, especially the Paris conference, which was a point of focus.

After briefly scanning the telegram, Franz felt a headache coming on; he hadn’t expected the British to make their move at the last moment.

An intervention by the Allied Forces was not a matter of whether or not they could win, but that they definitely could not!

This wasn’t just about a single battle. Once the war started, stopping it would no longer be under personal control.

Did he really want to bind himself with Russia to oppose the entire European Continent? This thought had just arisen when Franz cast it aside.

The Russians had a geographical advantage and could stand firm, but Austria was different; if war broke out, they would become the front line. A defeat would mean the end, a victory would still come with heavy losses, Franz would not engage in a losing deal.

Glancing at the map of Europe, Franz made a decision.

“Send a telegram back home, suggesting that the foreign ministry communicate with the French, and perhaps pull the Russians along as well, creating the impression that we are about to divide the Kingdom of Prussia. Let’s see how the British handle that.”

It was not about awaiting the British response, but about seeing how the Prussians would cope. The British could remain uninvolved, as long as no single state dominated the European Continent they could continue to play balance.

The situation was different for the Kingdom of Prussia; being partitioned by the French-Russian-Austrian alliance was essentially a death sentence for them. A one-on-one fight was already difficult, let alone a three-against-one battle.

The French would claim territories west of the Rhine River, the Russians would take Prussian Poland, and the Austrians would take the Berlin area. It all seemed perfect.

No one needed to worry about Austria growing too large since France and Russia were also expanding. With the goodwill earned from dividing the spoils, even the Near East war could be brought to a halt. Receiving the Rhineland, Napoleon III could also satisfy his people.

Franz was very interested in seeing Frederick William IV’s expression upon receiving this news. If South Germany couldn’t be taken, then compensating with the interests of the Kingdom of Prussia would seem an acceptable trade for Austria.

The only problem was that the Kingdom of Prussia was a tough nut to crack. It would be easiest for the Russians to take Prussian Poland and not too difficult for the French to seize the Rhineland region, but for Austria to move on the Berlin area would mean a life-and-death struggle with Prussia.

The most troublesome part would be that if the fight became too intense and both sides were covered in each other’s blood, post-war governance would become a hellish ordeal.

One could look to Switzerland as an example, which was originally Habsburg’s ancestral land. Because of the inaction of their forefathers in promptly suppressing a rebellion by Swiss nobility, the prolonged conflict resulted in too much bloodshed, turning into a blood feud.