Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 205:

Chapter 205: Chapter 92: Just Waiting to Jump into the Pit

Translator: 549690339

Vienna

Impacted by the defeat at the Sofia battle, the Austrian Government had made intermittent progress in negotiations with the Ottomans, with only some details still under discussion.

Franz was not particularly concerned about the outcome of the negotiations, thinking that even if the two countries signed an agreement, there was less than a one-third chance of it being fulfilled in the future.

The international situation was ever-changing, and the outcome of the Near Eastern War would directly affect Austria’s gains. From an interest standpoint, a hard-won victory for the Russians would certainly be the best outcome.

It would allow them to bear the brunt of the enmity and share Austria’s pressure, without allowing the Russians to truly soar unchecked.

Army Minister Prince Windischgrätz said with a strange expression, “Your Majesty, a report from the Serbia frontline indicates a group of British soldiers have accidentally entered our territory and were disarmed by us.”

Franz asked in confusion, “The Near Eastern War can’t spread that far, can it? Isn’t the Kosovo area still in between?”

This deviation seemed too great for an accidental entry. Even with the defeat at Sofia, the Kosovo area was still under Ottoman control, and the proper authorities could have easily provided guides.

Prince Windischgrätz handed over the report, and after Franz scanned it, he finally understood why his expression had been so odd.

After thinking for a moment, Franz said, “This could also be a good thing. We now have an additional small bargaining chip. Notify the British through the Foreign Office and have them send representatives to discuss the repatriation of these men.”

Without a doubt, these men would be detained until after the war; informing the British now was merely to let them know that Austria held a group of British officers and soldiers.

These men were of no use now, but once the Near Eastern War escalated and news of heavy casualties among the frontline British forces sparked outrage back home, the London Government would be forced to take these soldiers seriously.

Franz greatly admired the person who came up with this strategy.

This was a genius move. Unlike other deserters who suffer hardships on the run, hiding and fearing post-war retribution and not being able to return home,

these men also deserted, yet they would stay in Austria, well-fed and cared for until the war’s end. Their salaries and benefits from London must be paid in full, and afterwards, they would still be repatriated.

It was fortunate such geniuses were few; otherwise, if thousands of British soldiers ran to Austria to freeload, the London Government would have had a fit.

As for the Sardinian Army that had come over to freeload, Franz disregarded them completely. This was normal behavior, not the headlong rush that would indicate they were part of Italy rather than the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Metternich said with a beaming smile, “Your Majesty, Prime Minister Felix’s mission to Berlin has failed. The Kingdom of Prussia has rejected the proposal to restore the Holy Roman Alliance.

To avoid public condemnation, that cunning Frederick William IV chose to buy time and emphatically declared respect for the choice of the German people.

Prime Minister Felix proposed a public referendum, which was decisively rejected by him. It seems the Prussians are up to something.”

Franz wasn’t afraid of the Prussians causing trouble; his greater fear was them not causing it. Had they managed to restore the Holy Roman Empire under the guise of a public referendum, Franz would have had reason to weep.

An elected Emperor might seem appealing, but in essence, it would be several notches lower in rank. It would no longer be supreme. Since it was possible to elect, it was equally possible to depose, which was even worse than the Imperial Election system of old.

Whether it’s good or bad for the nation is up for debate, but for the Royal family, it’s an absolute disaster. No Emperor would willingly accept an elected throne unless absolutely necessary.

At least, Franz would not accept it. There are many families in the Germany Region with the right to elect the Emperor, and even if one wins once, the throne could easily change hands the next time. Then, the difference between the Emperor and a life-term president is merely nominal.

Not only is this unacceptable to Franz, but the Austrian Government cannot accept it either. If Austria cannot control the Holy Roman Empire, what use is there in rebuilding it?

The Prussians are worried that Austria will use the Empire to restrict them not realizing that Austria is equally concerned about not being able to control the Empire.

Because of interests, once the Empire unifies, Prussia’s awkward position in the Germany Region would immediately change, as the smaller Sub-States would support them against Austria.

Of course, this support could only be in secret, as openly opposing the Central Government is something that none of these Sub-States are likely to do. Most of them would play balance politics: maintaining a delicate balance between the central government led by Austria and regional power factions represented by the Kingdom of Prussia.

Finance Minister Karl said uncertainly, “The Prussians haven’t stepped forward to carry the banner of opposition, which is somewhat surprising. Could it be that they are expecting the smaller Sub-States to stand up and openly oppose us?”

Under the influence of nationalists, unification has now been accepted by many. To oppose national unification is undoubtedly to invite hatred.

Of course, the nationalists’ group is not yet strong enough to influence the government’s stance, let alone sway its decisions.

If Austria were to play the card of “rebuilding the Holy Roman Alliance—peaceful unification” in two or three decades, there might indeed be a chance of success.

“That’s unclear. In any case, someone must lead the way, or this plan will succeed. If the Prussian Government wants to oppose it later, the price will be much higher.

Now, it’s a matter of seeing which unlucky one gets cheated. Whoever stands up to oppose will be despised by the nationalists in the future,” analyzed Metternich.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Best if it could be Bavaria. We need the Bavarian Government to stand out in opposition; this is the choice that suits us.”

Metternich analyzed, “Your Majesty, if we want Bavaria to fall for it, we also need to give them a push personally. I reckon the Prussians also want to push the Kingdom of Bavaria to be the scapegoat.

As the third largest state of the Federation, only their influence is substantial enough to elicit a collective response.

If the Bavarian Government wants to gain the support of the smaller Sub-States, then this is an opportunity. If successful, they will become the leaders of the German Sub-States.”

While the Austrian Government was discussing how to lure the Kingdom of Bavaria into a trap, far away in St. Petersburg, the Tsarist Government was discussing strategic plans for the next stage.

The Sofia campaign had ended, and the second Battle of Bulgaria had entered a new phase. At this point, there were two choices:

Either concentrate forces to fight in the Sliven Region or first occupy the Kosovo area, Macedonian Region, and meet up with Montenegro and Greece.

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes proposed, “Your Majesty, first take the Sliven Region; clear the obstacles to Constantinople. Strike in one fell swoop to capture Constantinople, and then England and France will have to withdraw their troops.”

This tactic aimed at swift and decisive action, and from a financial perspective, it’s the least costly way to win the war.

The precondition is that they must win. If they lose, of course, all bets are off. High returns come with high risks.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell opposed, “No, the Sofia campaign has just ended, and the frontline troops urgently need to regroup. At this time, engaging in another major decisive battle would put too much pressure on the front line.

It would be better to first strike at the enemy’s weaker areas, to occupy places like Kosovo, Macedonia, and Thessaloniki, and to attack the enemy’s flank in a roundabout way in conjunction with Montenegro and Greece.

Although this approach is a bit slower, it would be a battle fought with the wind at our backs, which is perfect for training our new soldiers and quickly restoring the army’s combat effectiveness.”

Watching the Finance Minister and the Foreign Minister finish speaking, the Army Minister embarrassingly found that he had nothing to say.

Whom to support? This question was not easy to handle. Before implementation, who knew which strategy would be more reliable? Ivanovich, from a professional perspective, judged that, in theory, both were feasible.

In practice, although the encirclement and flanking strategy looks appealing, logistics are expected to be a nightmare. We surely can’t count on Montenegro and Greece to provide logistics, can we?

Otherwise, while occupying those places, the Russian Army must also divide its forces to garrison, ensuring the logistics supply lines remain open.

To immediately engage in a major decisive battle was also too much to ask, Ivanovich understood. The frontline troops were already weary, and without rest, their combat effectiveness could not be guaranteed.

After hesitating for a moment, Army Minister Ivanovich analyzed from a professional perspective, “Your Majesty, the Army Department suggests deploying new troops to replace some of those who have suffered heavy casualties, pulling them back to the Danube Basin to regroup as a reserve force for the entire army.

After the relief of troops, we should immediately engage in a decisive battle with the enemy. The British Expeditionary Force is also severely weakened, and with only two main divisions, we can defeat them.

We must race against the enemy for time now. Whoever can reinforce the front line faster will win this battle of engagement.”

Without doubt, he was supporting neither. Ivanovich was very dissatisfied with the amateurish approach of the two non-professionals, but he couldn’t afford to provoke the two bigwigs.

Nicholas I, being a military man, might have questionable military accomplishments, but he had enough basic knowledge to clearly understand that Ivanovich’s suggestions were far more reliable than those of the previous two.

“Shift five divisions from the Lvov area up there to replace the troops that participated in the Sofia campaign, and mobilize eight divisions from the Moscow area to replace the forces on the Silven frontline that suffered heavy losses.

Order the troops in the Ukraine Region to guard strictly against enemy landings, especially on the Crimea Peninsula; do not let the enemy find an opportunity.”

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Ivanovich replied.

The advantage of having a large army was now evident; the Russians could mobilize reinforcements in the shortest possible time.

Unfortunately, this advantage was somewhat lackluster on the battlefield. Poor transportation and logistics hindered the speed of Russian troop deployment.

More than half a month had passed since the end of the Sofia campaign, and only now had the Tsarist Government made a decision, wasting a lot of time. By the time these troops reached the front line, it would be over a month later.

Regardless, the Russians had performed adequately in the Sofia campaign. The Ottoman Empire’s rule in the Balkan Peninsula became shaky, and at this point, the Sultan Government no longer had the strength to reinforce the front lines.

This meant that the good days for the French were over. In six months, the Ottoman Empire had lost over three hundred thousand troops. Now, the Sultan Government, urgently dealing with the Greek incursion into Thessaloniki, had no capacity left to send reinforcements.

For the first time, Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier realized how important the Ottoman Empire actually was. Without sufficient fodder troops, the French Expeditionary Force had to take the brunt of the battle themselves.

Attrition warfare was no fun, with almost a battalion crippled every day. Such losses were not easily bearable. Previously, the Ottomans took the brunt of the casualties, and they did not feel the issue, but now they knew the severity of the situation.

Menshikov completely disregarded his own casualties in his tactics, launching major offensives every now and then, which left both sides crying out in agony after each battle.

Of the 170,000-strong French Expeditionary Force, less than 100,000 remained combat-effective. The rest had either died or become wounded, or had to be pulled back for reorganization because their units had been decimated.

In fact, French losses were about the same as the British, both suffering casualties of over 40,000 men. However, they could afford such intense losses due to their larger numbers.

France had already provided them with two rounds of reinforcements, totaling up to 48,000 men, so the total number of French troops had not decreased. Aimable Jean Jacques Pelissier had experience and knew to cycle his troops through the battlefield without overusing any single unit to its breaking point.

Even so, at the basic company and battalion levels, units were often wiped out entirely. This was an unavoidable circumstance, as a single assault by the enemy often meant the front line units were completely eradicated.

From this perspective, the British were far behind. Of course, this is the difference between a land power and a maritime power. Even during Napoleon III’s purge of dissenters, no foul play was conducted in these matters.

As a result, France still maintained its strength; if they could rest and reorganize for a month or two, enabling them to rebuild their lost structures, they could return to their peak condition.

Time was a critical factor that the Russians clearly would not afford them. Although the Russians also suffered heavy casualties, their serfs, known as the “grey beasts,” were easy to deceive.

In front of the promising future envisioned by Menshikov, Russian soldiers once again mustered the courage to go into battle, something the British and French forces could not match by any means.

The Russian serfs, being simple-minded and largely illiterate, could be enticed to fight to the death on the battlefield with promises of freedom and land.

If it were the British and French soldiers, such ploys would likely be ignored. Savvier soldiers would not be tempted by such trivial tricks, especially since they all knew that there was no land available to distribute back home.

Promising land from the colonies to entice them to fight was asking for trouble. Who’d risk their lives for places where a farm could be bought for just one British Pound?

Even if it was difficult to deceive them, Pelissier had to find a way and resolutely invoked the Russo-French enmity to boost morale. It worked at the beginning, but its effectiveness had waned.

If one paid attention, they would notice that the French Army was steadily retreating, seemingly preparing to flee.

Pelissier was in a bitter predicament, as this battle held great significance, tied to the prestige of his superior, Napoleon III, and therefore, he absolutely could not afford to lose.

Even if it meant suffering great losses, a nominal victory would suffice. Since he could not afford to lose, he naturally had to consider his exit strategy, and in case of an untenable situation, he had to be ready to shift the blame.

Of course, winning the war would be better, as losing would still have some impact. Pelissier regretted not charging into a decisive battle with the Russians from the start, now realizing the British were too unreliable.

A pyrrhic victory where both sides incurred heavy losses would still count as a victory.

Besides, Napoleon III’s initial desire was to purge dissenters and eliminate forces in the army loyal to the Orleans Dynasty. Even a costly victory would be seen as a great achievement upon return.

Nevertheless, Pelissier’s conscience was not yet numb, and he could not bear to let so many young French men perish, thus he chose the safest method of warfare, which turned into attrition warfare.

Unfortunately, the resilience of the Russians on the battlefield surpassed that of the Allied Forces, and the French suffered as a result.

Having missed the opportunity for a decisive battle, the French Army was unlikely to best the Russians in their current state. Pelissier certainly did not wish to serve as a stepping stone for Russia, enhancing their reputation as the world’s number one land power.