Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 184

Chapter 184: Chapter 71: Patients with Austriaphobia

Translator: 549690339

Franz’s troubles were something Abdulmejid I could not understand, for if he had known Austria’s plans, he would not have needed to abandon the Serbian region.

In fact, the territories that the Sultan Government relinquished were not limited to Serbia, but also included Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The reason was very pragmatic—they could not hold them.

Knowing they could not hold the territories, why should they waste their manpower needlessly? The Ottoman Government made what they believed to be the correct choice, concentrating superior forces to defend against the Russian onslaught.

As for Austria, after occupying Serbia and Bosnia, they found their battle lines overstretched, and they couldn’t even secure their rear in time, let alone continue to advance.

England and France had already made promises to the Ottoman Government: as long as they defeated the Russians, they were confident that at the negotiation table, they could force Austria to relinquish all that it had swallowed.

With so many favorable conditions, Abdulmejid I naturally sought to concentrate his forces to fight the Russians.

To slow down the Austrian army’s advance, the Ottoman Army destroyed roads and bridges, burned granaries, and conscripted a large number of young adults while retreating.

Constantinople

Staring at the large map on the wall, Abdulmejid I sighed deeply, as he was unwilling to abandon the lands of his ancestors, but reality was beyond his control.

As for the promises made by England and France, Abdulmejid I had never fully trusted them, like now—the British reinforcements promised had not arrived in full.

Of the promised eighty thousand reinforcements, only twenty thousand had come, and the rest of the troops would have to wait until after they had expanded their forces; they simply could not spare more at the moment.

This was true, the British Army indeed could not dispatch so many reinforcements, and the London Government really wasn’t intentionally cheating their allies this time.

As for Palmerston’s promises in the Paris negotiations, how else could he cheat the French into contributing if he didn’t say those things?

Haven’t you seen the French Army being lured here? In order to achieve an impressive victory, Napoleon III sent his elite troops, no new recruits to fill the ranks.

Abdulmejid I calmed his emotions and asked, “Have the encampments for the Allied Forces been properly arranged?”

“Everything has been properly settled; we have evacuated the surrounding residents to ensure no disturbances,” Minister of State Piesaraimihamet responded solemnly.

In this era, the British and French troops were known for their strict military discipline when at home, but once abroad, they were little different from bandits and robbers, with looting being one of their significant activities.

When the first batch of French reinforcements arrived, the Ottoman Government suffered a setback, and naturally, lessons had to be learned.

Abdulmejid I did not mean to belittle the military discipline of the British and French armies; in fact, the discipline within the Ottoman Army was even worse. At least the Anglo-French forces followed the rules at home, while the Ottoman troops were a nuisance even domestically.

The difference was that the Sultan could still control his troops, but he could not command the British and French troops at all.

Abdulmejid I continued to inquire, “Have England and France not yet agreed on who will assume the role of the Allied Commander?”

The alliance between England, France, and the Ottoman Empire was different from that of Austria and Russia; they needed to coordinate their actions in battle, which meant that the command of the Allied Forces was a significant issue.

In this matter, the Ottoman Empire originally had a voice, but after the failure in the Battle of Bulgaria, that influence had since faded.

Facing the two bigwigs of England and France, the Sultan Government couldn’t afford to provoke either and simply chose to keep silent, as silence is golden.

The centuries-old mortal enmity between England and France had led to deep-seated hatred among the people, which couldn’t be resolved with merely a government order.

The French cut off the English dream of continental expansion, while the British cut off the French dream of hegemony. After centuries of conflict, who was right or wrong had become unclear.

The French now believed: “Our army is the strongest in the world, and for that reason, we should be granted the supreme command of the allied forces.”

Napoleon III wanted to enhance France’s position in the world and gain political prestige for himself; therefore, command of the allied forces was something the French must fight for.

The British believed: “We are the world’s hegemon (although not yet officially recognized), the world’s number one in comprehensive national power; the world’s leader must naturally have the bearing of one, so the British also cannot give up the command.”

The British were unwilling to be commanded by the French, and the French were equally reluctant to be commanded by the British. This was true not just at the top levels but also among the soldiers below.

Although everyone was allied, the officers and soldiers of the two armies simply couldn’t stand each other. To give a cold shoulder was one thing; fistfights and brawls that could break out at the slightest disagreement were common occurrences.

Then, Sultan Abdulmejid I had a headache; the two bigwigs couldn’t stop quarreling, but the war still needed to be fought!

The Russians had stopped their offensive, not because they were done fighting, but because they were preparing for a new campaign. They were urgently transporting strategic materials while allowing the rested troops to wait for reinforcements.

“No, representatives from England and France are still in endless dispute,” Foreign Minister Fuad replied with a bitter smile.

It wasn’t for lack of effort on his part. Ever since the Austrian Government had stirred up public opinion in England and France behind the scenes, the issue had become sensitive, and neither government dared to make concessions lightly.

In the words of The Times: “Don’t let the Frenchies poop on our heads!”

The French media also had similar statements, and the position of the commander of the allied forces had now risen to a matter of national dignity for both countries.

No one foresaw this situation. Had they known such a problem would arise, neither government would have become so incessantly entangled, giving the opposition a chance.

Austria did not have the power to control public opinion in England and France; only their domestic forces could achieve that.

Being able to cause trouble for their political adversaries and doing something politically correct, they had no reason not to act.

Abdulmejid I sighed, “Ah!”

He added, “Tell the representatives of England and France that if they still cannot reach an agreement, we should form a tripartite joint command, with each of the three countries appointing one person to share command.

If that’s still not viable, then let’s divide the forces, each commanding their own troops, as long as there is coordination among us!”

Clearly, Abdulmejid I also knew these were two bad ideas. But there was no choice; the Ottoman Government had no way to persuade England and France.

The war was about to resume, and the issue of command could not be resolved. Should the Russians launch an attack, they would suffer greatly.

In any case, it was necessary to establish an allied command first. If that truly did not work, Abdulmejid I could accept dividing the forces and conducting separate campaigns.

After all, the British had now sent only twenty thousand troops, and the main forces of the war were still the Ottoman Army and the French Army; the British were to play the tambourine, so to speak.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” Fuad replied.

Turin

Ever since the complete failure of the Austro-Sardinian War, Charles Albert, the unfortunate King, was abandoned by the people of Sardinia, and his son Victor Emmanuel II succeeded him.

Unlike in history, this time Charles Albert left behind a total mess.

Not to mention the enormous foreign debt, having been visited by the Austrian army, the economy of the Kingdom of Sardinia suffered a devastating blow and has still not emerged from the shadows until now.

Prime Minister Cavour ascended the historical stage against this backdrop. Unfortunately, he was human, not a god, and faced with this total mess, he was also fraught with headaches.

Development? That question temporarily had nothing to do with the Kingdom of Sardinia. Better to focus on recovery first! If internal issues couldn’t be resolved, then what development could one even speak of?

“What? Prime Minister, you actually want to wage war against the Russians?” Victor Emmanuel II nearly roared in protest.

Since the Austro-Sardinian War, Victor Emmanuel II had been plagued by the shadow of war, and now, hearing that Cavour wanted to fight the Russians, he immediately erupted.

“Yes, Your Majesty!” Prime Minister Cavour replied.

Victor Emmanuel II angrily questioned, “My Prime Minister, are you sure you’re not joking?”

Prime Minister Cavour answered unflinchingly, “Your Majesty, this is certainly serious. How could I possibly joke about such a matter?”

Victor Emmanuel II questioned, “Madness! Without any reason, why should we go to war against the Russians, do you bear a grudge against them?”

As there was no conflict of interest between the Kingdom of Sardinia and the Russians, Victor Emmanuel II truly could not find a reason to fight the Russians.

Prime Minister Cavour explained calmly, “Your Majesty, I have no personal vendetta against the Russians, even if I’m displeased with them, it certainly doesn’t rise to the level of hatred.

The alliance of England, France, and the Ottoman Empire are all at war with Russia now, and we want to seek help from England and France—this is the opportunity.

To join this war, and seek a chance to form an alliance with England and France. Use this war to escape our domestic economic crisis and get out of this predicament.”

Victor Emmanuel II seriously considered it. Prime Minister Cavour’s suggestion, although far-fetched, might not be entirely unworkable for the Kingdom of Sardinia.

As the Kingdom of Sardinia was far from Russia, there was no need to fear a military threat from the Russians, and even if they offended the Russians, they need not fear retaliation.

Victor Emmanuel II shook his head and said, “That’s still not enough, just getting a chance to form an alliance with England and France is of no value to us.

Currently, we don’t have a bargaining chip to negotiate with England and France. In the Near East, we have no right to intervene.

Utilizing war to escape the economic crisis—my Prime Minister, the current Kingdom of Sardinia would have difficulty even assembling the equipment for one infantry division.

Do you expect England and France to provide us with weapons and equipment? To take their weapons and equipment means sending our boys to the battlefield as cannon fodder.”

The harsh reality is that the strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia is too weak. After the Austro-Sardinian War, even the army had been disbanded, not out of coercion by Austria, but due to financial constraints.

The British are not running a charity; loans and interests must be repaid in full and on time. The Kingdom of Sardinia does not have the funds to develop its military.

Since national defense is under the protection of the British, all they need is an armed force capable of maintaining internal stability; a police force would suffice. The only military force currently in the Kingdom of Sardinia is the King’s Guards.

Prime Minister Cavour said fervently, “Your Majesty, I know that weapons and equipment from England and France are not easy to come by, and I do not wish to send our boys to the battlefield as cannon fodder, but the nation needs this now!

If we cannot garner the support of England and France, the Kingdom of Sardinia will never have the opportunity to develop and grow strong. The blood from the Austro-Sardinian War has not yet dried, and without the strength of our own, it will be impossible to seek revenge against the Austrians.

“They leave us…”

Victor Emmanuel II said with dissatisfaction, “Stop! Prime Minister Cavour, I don’t want to hear your long-winded speeches.

Day in and day out, you advocate for revenge against Austria. Are you worried that the Austrians have forgotten us and you want to remind them to be vigilant, that there is still an enemy present in the Italian Area?

In the Austro-Sardinian War, Sardinia lost one hundred and ten thousand brave soldiers, sacrificed eighty thousand civilians, and there were more than one hundred thousand wounded, not to mention the economic loss which is incalculable. The entire Kingdom of Sardinia is weeping.

With the addition of casualties and the worsening economic situation, from 1848 to the present, the total population of the Kingdom of Sardinia has dropped by 670,000.

Do you think we have any surplus manpower to spare? Even if we had the support of England and France, would we possess the capacity for revenge against Austria?”

Revenge? Victor Emmanuel II had also thought about it, but reality did not permit it. The Kingdom of Sardinia was a tiny country with a territory of seventy thousand square kilometers and a population of just over five million.

Having been struck down once, not just Victor Emmanuel II, but the entire Kingdom of Sardinia had lost confidence.

The main purpose of Prime Minister Cavour’s promotion of revenge against Austria was to harness the power of hatred to boost everyone’s fighting spirit, working toward the unification of Italy.

Cavour continued to explain, “Your Majesty, the international situation is ever-changing. Now, England and France have come together, while Russia and Austria have joined forces. Taking sides for us is only a matter of time.

Rather than being forced to choose sides later on, it’s better if we proactively join in now. The Austro-Sardinian War from two years ago decided that we have no other choice.

To declare war on Russia now is only a stance. Our strength is limited, and England and France would not expect us to contribute much.

Now Montenegro and Greece have sided with the Russians, and England and France likewise need someone to help shout on the international stage. Given the strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia, we are well-suited for this role.”

After hearing this explanation, Victor Emmanuel II’s expression softened slightly.

If it doesn’t require a large deployment of troops, then it’s negotiable. The last war was too devastating in its aftermath, his father went from hero to bear, and ultimately was forced to abdicate. He didn’t want to go through that again.

Victor Emmanuel II said very calmly, “We also have to consider the attitude of Austria. The Russians can’t hassle us, but they are right beside us. With a single command from the Vienna Government, it wouldn’t take a week before we’re in exile again.”

Facing one who suffers from a fear of Austria, Cavour was powerless. This was not only characteristic of Victor Emmanuel II; many others felt it after the Austro-Sardinian War, including Cavour himself, although he had strong self-control and did not show it.

This mood was particularly severe among the general public. Having experienced the war firsthand, many knew just how terrible it was, and their fear of Austria deepened.

This was a side effect of excessive propaganda. During the era of Charles Albert, there was rampant propaganda depicting the decadence of Austria, exaggerating the strength of the Kingdom of Sardinia, and nurturing the confidence of the Sardinian people.

Unfortunately, this confidence was shattered in the Austro-Sardinian War, and as a backlash, those who lived through the war became afflicted with this fear of Austria.

The nationalists and adolescent rebels who once feared nothing are now quiet. The country has stabilized, but the plan for Italian unification has been stunted.

After hesitating for a moment, Cavour spoke, “Your Majesty, I will find a way to handle Austria. If they are firmly opposed, then we will give up this opportunity!”

This issue could not be avoided; if Austria made military threats, even Cavour himself would be apprehensive. The Kingdom of Sardinia simply had no capacity for another war, and their involvement in the Near East conflict would be limited to moral support.

After Cavour’s response, Victor Emmanuel II nodded in satisfaction, signaling his tacit approval.