Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 183

Chapter 183: Chapter 70, Caught between a rock and a hard place

Translator: 549690339

On June 12, 1852, the British Parliament passed the Army Expansion Act.

The proposal by Maxim to expand the army by 120,000 was discounted, and the savvy parliamentarians finally limited the expansion to 80,000. The reason, of course, was to arm according to actual needs and not to waste the taxpayers’ money.

This thrifty sense of ownership directly led to the British Army dragging the feet of allies in the Near East War.

Compared to the slow-moving British, the French were much more efficient. Once the increase in troops was confirmed, Napoleon III embarked on a rapid expansion of the army, and the total strength of the French Army leapt to 620,000.

It was as if the all-conquering France of old had returned. In Europe, apart from the ‘Mao Xiong,’ they now had the largest standing army.

In order to expand France’s international influence, Napoleon III was very proactive this time, with French reinforcements already en route from the domestic front while the army expanded.

At this time, France’s domestic military strength had dropped to its lowest point. Although the number of troops had increased, the difference between veterans and new recruits was stark.

After the war against France, the Orleans Dynasty, in order to ease international pressure, slowed down the development of the French Army, retaining only a small number of elite troops, which only recovered after the great revolution.

Napoleon III’s talents were not in military affairs; in expanding the army, he neglected the construction of reserve forces and the rationalization of the mobilization mechanism.

In history, during the Franco-Prussian War, the French conceded defeat after one battle. It was because France’s mobilization mechanism was incomplete at the time; they couldn’t mobilize a sufficient army to defend Paris in time.

This is the weakness of the French development model, placing most of the country’s core industries around Paris, making a comeback difficult once Paris falls.

After the battle in Bulgaria, the Russian Army advanced to the Balkan Mountains, and the Russians’ time of testing had arrived.

At this point, a disagreement arose within the Russian expeditionary force in the Balkans. Generals led by Bach-Ivanov advocated for first taking Sofia, while Generals led by Golchakov advocated for crossing the Balkan Mountains and striking directly at the Edirne region.

The ultimate strategic goal was the same—to capture Istanbul and lock the Bosphorus Strait.

The reasoning for capturing Sofia first was that the Ottoman Empire had just suffered a great defeat, and their forces in this region were weak, which made the military challenge less daunting.

Sofia was the city with the largest influence in the Bulgarian region. Once captured, its political impact would be significant, potentially inspiring more Bulgarians to rise up against Ottoman rule.

Another unspoken reason was that capturing Sofia meant that even if the Russian Army failed to take Istanbul, they would have occupied most of Bulgaria, laying the groundwork for the next war.

This was a traditional force. This was already the ninth Russo-Turkish War, and many believed that if the Ottoman Empire couldn’t be destroyed, there would definitely be a tenth, so it was important to plan ahead.

Swallowing the Ottoman Empire in one gulp was just idealistic; there were not many who truly believed Russia could do it.

It’s one thing to shout political slogans; Russians had been proclaiming the fall of the Ottoman Empire for nearly a hundred years, yet the Ottoman Empire still stood tall.

The reason for pushing directly to the Edirne region was to save time; it was the quickest route to capture Istanbul, and striking early before the main English and French reinforcements arrived offered better odds of success.

Of course, greater odds of success came with greater risks. Without securing the surrounding areas, the Ottoman Army could potentially encircle the Russian rear. If Istanbul could not be taken, there was a risk of the entire army being annihilated.

Franz didn’t care about Russian concerns; he wasn’t the least bit worried about the Russian Army being wiped out.

Given the state of the Ottoman Empire, unless they had an unfair advantage, any good tactics would be diminished in their execution.

In theory, cutting off the Russian Army’s logistical supply line at any key mid-route point would win them the war.

However, the force responsible for carrying out this task also needed to have strong combat capabilities, otherwise, it would be quickly overturned by the Russian Army, rendering it useless.

Not only that, this complex task also required the close cooperation of the surrounding Ottoman military and local governments. Any problem at any link would prevent them from effectively trapping the enemy.

It’s better not to expect the Ottoman Empire to accomplish such a difficult task. At most, they could threaten to cut off supply lines to scare the Russians into retreating, and then both sides would honestly start to wear each other down.

Prince Windischgrätz said cheerfully, “Your Majesty, the Ottomans have withdrawn from the Serbia region. It seems that the pressure from the Russians was too great, and now they’re focusing their forces to confront the Russians, neglecting these regions.”

It was evident that he was in a very good mood. The Habsburg dynasty had had several centuries of enmity with the Ottoman Empire, so seeing their adversary in trouble was naturally refreshing.

Of course, what’s more important is still the politics. Don’t be fooled by Marshal Radetzky’s appointment as Chief of Staff; the lack of reaction from him, the Army Minister, in fact indicates that Prince Windischgrätz has always been looking for an opportunity to break the situation.

A strong man in military does not necessarily equate to a strong man in politics, and Archduke Carl is a case in point, going home in disgrace to write his books.

In fact, even the highly respected Marshal Radetzky hadn’t been doing too well in Austria, being stationed in the provinces for a long time was not a sign of being valued, but rather of being excluded from the core of power.

It was only after Franz took over that the situation changed; in order to ensure the smooth implementation of the strategy to advance westward, he summoned Marshal Radetzky back to the central post as Chief of Staff.

Under such circumstances, Prince Windischgrätz’s myriad excuses are useless; no matter the reasons, Franz would not abandon his support for Marshal Radetzky at this time.

Knowing this, Prince Windischgrätz naturally wouldn’t cause trouble anymore. Actually, the deterioration in his relationship with Marshal Radetzky stemmed from the conflict of interests between the General Staff and the Army Department.

Your seat dictates your stance—the General Staff and the Army Department were meant to check each other’s power, and if their relationship got too cordial, Franz would have to replace someone.

Being suppressed by Marshal Radetzky, Prince Windischgrätz was powerless. However, the opportunity had arrived; the Ottomans retreated from the Serbia region, signifying that Austria could claim vast lands effortlessly.

The hawks within the military were not so easily subdued—they were unaware of the true strategy of the Austrian Government, and naturally, they would seize the chance to argue for war upon the opportunity’s emergence.

If Marshal Radetzky couldn’t restrain his subordinates and the matter was escalated to the Emperor, it would mean significant loss of favor; even if he managed to keep it under wraps, it would breed dissatisfaction among the military leadership.

Such trivial calculations were crystal clear to Franz. However, he had no intention of intervening, as these squabbles were nothing more than child’s play. Prince Windischgrätz employed an open strategy, within the bounds of the rules.

Ministers bickering with each other is preferable to them colluding and uniting against the Emperor. As long as it doesn’t impede serious matters and isn’t overtly forming factions, Franz would turn a blind eye to the covert struggles.

Where there are people, there are factions, and Franz does not harbor the unrealistic expectation of a flawless bureaucratic group within the Austrian Government.

Franz asked, “And what about Belgrade? Have the Ottomans given it up?”

With its reputation as the gateway to the Balkan Peninsula, once in control of Belgrade, Austria’s opinion could not be ignored in future Balkan affairs.

However, Austria’s current strategic focus is not on the Balkan Peninsula, and the Ottoman Empire had stationed a robust force there, which is why Austria hadn’t captured Belgrade.

If the Ottomans were to withdraw voluntarily, a small force of ten to twenty thousand could take control, and Franz certainly couldn’t give up such an opportunity, as Austria wasn’t short on troops.

The more chips in hand, the greater the benefits after the war—this simple logic is understood by all.

Austria’s appetite isn’t big enough to swallow the benefits of the Balkan Peninsula after unifying South Germany.

Unless the Russians scored an impossible victory and toppled Constantinople, England and France wouldn’t be able to deal with a Russian-Austrian alliance, and Austria could then digest these spoils of war.

“No, but the Ottomans have indeed drawn troops from Belgrade, and now their garrison there has dropped to twenty thousand,” Prince Windischgrätz replied.

Hesitating for a moment, Franz then called out, “Jennie, send someone to notify the Cabinet and Marshal Radetzky to come for a meeting.”

Plans are always outpaced by rapid changes. Austria halted after taking over the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin, which could still be explained as watching a fight from a safe distance.

Now that the Ottoman Empire has withdrawn from the Serbia region and Austria doesn’t send troops to occupy, it would appear quite suspicious. Not just to the Russians, but to all of Europe.

But if it kept taking territory all the way, the more land Austria occupied in the Balkans, the bigger the issue becomes. Initially, the southward strategy was merely to cover the westward thrust, but it has unexpectedly turned into serious business.

Don’t think that eating more meat is always good—it might also cause one to become fat, and dieting is such a headache.

Austria is now in a similar situation; if they take too much now, would the European countries consent afterward?

Envy can twist a person’s heart, and should everyone become envious, Austria would soon run out of friends. Franz does not wish to face such a passive predicament.

But the current issue is that the situation on the battlefield is entirely beyond Franz’s control. The Ottomans have shown too much timidity, lacking the fighting spirit their ancestors had.

Had they at least symbolically organized some militia to make a show of strength, Franz could pretend he was tricked, failed to spot the enemy’s conspiracy in time, and missed a military opportunity.

Now it’s a different story—the Ottomans have unashamedly retreated, placing Franz in a dilemma.