Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 177

Chapter 177: Chapter 64, Choices of All Parties

Translator: 549690339

London

The course of the Near Eastern War left the British dumbfounded. Russia had actually given up the Two principalities of the Danube Basin in exchange for Austria’s logistical support.

This meant that the Russians had a very big appetite this time, and only larger interests could make them give up the Wallachia Principality and the Moldavian Principality.

Prime Minister John Russell said with a gloomy face, “Our previous plan has failed. Austria and Russia have reached an agreement. If we don’t take action now, the Ottoman Empire will definitely not be a match for them.

Mr. Palmerston, does your Foreign Office have any way to dismantle the alliance between Russia and Austria in the shortest possible time?

Once those two countries join forces, they are virtually invincible in the Near East. Even if we take joint action with the French, it will be very difficult to win.”

Prime Minister John Russell’s words were not unfounded; Russia bordered the Ottoman Empire only in the Balkan Peninsula and the Caucasus region.

Due to the terrain constraints in the Caucasus region, if large corps were to battle, logistics would be a big problem.

Given the poor transportation within Russia and the complex terrain of the Caucasus region, it’s basically impossible to sustain combat for more than two hundred thousand troops.

Of course, if they don’t lose the naval power in the Black Sea, they could still move along the coastline, and logistics won’t pose a problem.

Now that Russians’ land-based troop deployment route is limited to the Balkan Peninsula. The Two principalities of the Danube Basin are major grain producers, so their food problems can basically be solved locally, cutting the Russian Army’s logistics pressure in half.

Even so, the Russians are not capable of fighting all the way to Constantinople. After occupying the Two Principalities, it is basically the limits of their advance; the strategic materials transported from home cannot keep up with the consumption rate of the frontline troops.

But with Austria involved, it’s different. The Danube River can be used to quickly transport strategic materials, and sustaining several hundred thousand troops on the Balkan Peninsula poses no problem.

Palmerston replied impassively, “Prime Minister, it is very simple to dismantle the alliance between Russia and Austria. We have proposed this before.

“As long as the Ottoman Empire agrees to cede the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin to Austria, that will be enough to satisfy the Austrians. With Austria separating them from the Russians, the current situation would not have become this bad.”

To counter the Russians, the UK Foreign Office indeed had such a plan, but ceding the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin to Austria was only part of it.

In history, the British proposed: Giving the Åland Islands and Finland to Sweden; ceding the Baltic Sea coast to Prussia; granting independence to Poland; ceding Moldavia and Wallachia as well as the Danube delta to Austria as a price for Austria to give up Lombardy and Venice to be occupied by the Kingdom of Sardinia; Crimea region and the Caucasus region to the Ottoman Empire…

Theoretically, once this plan was implemented, Russia’s strength would be greatly weakened, losing the ability to contend with the British for world hegemony.

However, plans cannot keep up with changes – the plan was aborted even before its implementation. Not only did the Russians reject this plan, but Austria was also unlikely to agree.

Despite the considerable size and fertile land of the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin, these areas had not yet been developed. In terms of economic value, they were still lower than Lombardy and Venice.

Now, occupying these areas, Austria would have to invest a lot of manpower and resources for development, not to mention becoming the vanguard against Russia, which would put them at a great strategic disadvantage.

Rather than doing so, it’s better to join forces with Russia, as Austria could also gain these territories by sacrificing the interests of the Ottoman Empire.

Franz has always believed in the truth that “a bird in hand is worth two in the bush” and would not sacrifice his own interests in the face of countering Russia’s enterprises.

The butterfly effect is still useful – in the Ausa war, the performance of the Austrian army proved the strength of the great powers. In Palmerston’s new strategic plan, there was no mention of giving Lombardy and Venice to the Kingdom of Sardinia.

British are adept at acting according to the circumstances. As Austria’s power is stronger than in history, naturally, their treatment is also stronger than it was historically.

In order to cheat Austria into turning against Russia, they were willing to offer substantial benefits. Unfortunately, their plans had failed to persuade the Ottomans before the war had already erupted.

“But the foolish Ottoman Government fails to see this. They only see that ceding the Two Principalities of the Danube Basin will lead to severe losses for them and fail to see the benefits of doing so.

I believe after this Russo-Turkish War, reality will make the Ottomans much more clear-headed and make the right choice,” Prime Minister John Russell complained endlessly.

Obviously, the affairs of the Ottoman Empire had already tired the British Prime Minister.

Palmerston chuckled and said, “Prime Minister, the Ottoman Government has now woken up, I believe they will make the correct choice.

“But that is a matter for the future. Right now, the most important thing is to persuade Parliament to send troops to the Balkan Peninsula as soon as possible. If it’s too late, the Ottomans might not hold out.”

This was British national policy – to prioritize dealing with the greatest threat. Until the Russians fell, they would not change their target.

In terms of a threat, at this time, Austria was not yet on par with France, and Austria’s poor geographic position predestined that it could not threaten British core interests.

After thinking for a moment, John Russell said, “The problem with Parliament is not big. In order to retain our interests in the Mediterranean Region, we must confine the Russians in a cage.”

Interests are the eternal theme. Russia’s annexation of the Ottoman Empire seriously harmed British interests. Interest groups, to protect their overseas investments, naturally supported the government’s intervention in the Near Eastern War.

Istanbul

Abdulmejid I regretted. If he had known that the Russians and Austrians would compromise so quickly, he would have accepted the British advice.

There is no antidote for regret in politics, and by this time, the Russian Army and Ottoman Army had already started fighting in the Bulgarian region. More tragically, as the side with more troops, they were unexpectedly at a disadvantage on the battlefield.

“How much longer will our reinforcements take to reach the front lines?” Abdulmejid I asked with concern.

“Your Majesty, there are too many guerrilla fighters in the Bulgarian region. Our reinforcements will take three more days to arrive,” the War Minister responded in a lowered voice.

In this war, the speed of the Ottoman Army was slower than expected, and naturally, the War Minister spoke without confidence.

Abdulmejid I snorted coldly, “Hmph!”

Then he said, “I don’t care what methods you think of, but the Bulgarian region must not be lost. You all understand what this signifies!”

Everyone bowed their heads in silence. The Ottoman Empire’s national policy had actually become quite enlightened in the modern era.

Unfortunately, even the best policies require execution, and the decadent Ottoman government undoubtedly lacked efficient enforcement capabilities, leading naturally to public outrage boiling over.

The consequences were now apparent. Not only did the home front lack public support, but they were also subjected to guerrilla attacks, slowing down the speed of the reinforcements.

Fortunately, the Russian’s response was also very slow; otherwise, the front lines would have erupted into a major battle by now, leaving the Ottoman government with nothing but tears.

Greece—Athens

The outbreak of the Near Eastern war had gladdened the Greek people, as their opportunity to achieve their goals had arrived.

Yet, Otto I was beset with a headache, facing the courtship of four great powers, he didn’t know which side to choose.

Since the outbreak of conflict with the British in 1850, Greek nationalism had been on the rise. At first, Otto I believed that nationalism was conducive to his rule and thus supported the ideology.

Convinced that he had grasped the key to gaining public support, Otto I placed himself at the forefront of the patriotic movement.

How to keep the public’s patriotic fervor from cooling became a problem for Otto I.

Following the explosion of nationalism, reclaiming lost territory became a common goal for the Greek people and the “great ideal” of Otto I and Queen Amalia.

The Greek demand for regaining territory seemed to know no bounds. This demand was theoretically grounded in the Byzantine Empire, as the Greeks aspired to recreate the map of the Byzantine era.

When power and ideals were out of balance, tragic days were not far off. The territory of the Kingdom of Greek in this age was only a bit more than 50,000 square kilometers, and its population was less than a million—utterly inadequate to support their “ideals.”

“Gentlemen, on which side should we now stand?” Otto I asked with a troubled frown

For a small country, the most sensible thing to do was to side with the victor; however, nationalist fervor often led countries away from such rational calculations, pushing them to choose the side that promised the greatest benefit.

At this time, Otto I did not realize that his rule was on the verge of a new crisis. No matter which side he chose, it was impossible to satisfy the populace’s appetite for reclaiming lost lands.

In Greece, where idealism was rampant, the populace didn’t care about such details; they only presented their demands to the government based on their ideals.

Historically, for more than a hundred years since Otto I, no Greek king had lived a comfortable life, as none could fulfill the ideals of the Greek people.

The Finance Minister answered with a complex expression, “Your Majesty, the English and French navies have already controlled the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea regions. For the safety of our nation, we can only stand with them.”

This was the most sensible approach. Regardless of who won or lost, Greece, surrounded by England, France, and the Ottomans, simply had no choice.

The War Minister retorted, “What can we gain by standing with the Ottoman Empire? Do we expect that by relying on their charity, they will return our lands to us?

Now the Russians have made a promise that as long as we declare war on the Ottoman Empire, they will support us in gaining Thessaly and Epirus after the war.

The Austrians have even pledged that they will support us in gaining as much territory as we conquer.

Are we really going to forego such an opportunity that comes once in a millennium?”

There was no way; both Russia and Austria were generous with other people’s money and naturally did not mind making promises to the Greeks. How could England and France, now allies with the Ottomans, possibly choose to sacrifice Ottoman interests to satisfy the demands of the Greeks?

Even if they wanted to attract an ally, the Kingdom of Greek was simply not qualified, was it?

England and France had their pride; not every Tom, Dick, or Harry could sit at the table with them as equals.

The Prime Minister agreed, “That’s right, if we pass up this opportunity that only comes once in a millennium, the public won’t accept it.

It’s worth taking a bit of risk for the great revival of the Kingdom of Greek!”

It wasn’t that he wanted to side with Russia, nor was he blind to the risks, but the Greek public outside had already made the choice for them.

Nationalism is a double-edged sword; it can kill the enemy as well as harm oneself. Now the Otto I Government was already kidnapped by public opinion.

After thinking for a moment, Otto I said, “Since the public has made their choice, our government should respect their choice.

However, considering the stance of England and France, we can’t directly declare war against the Ottoman Empire. Does anyone have a good plan?”

There was no good plan, but there was a bad idea.

The War Minister suggested, “Your Majesty, we can form civilian militias to attack the Ottoman Empire. This allows us to explain things to both Russia and Austria, while keeping up appearances with England and France.”

In his view, the support of England and France for the Ottomans was merely to counter Russia, not that the two countries truly supported the Ottomans.

If the Kingdom of Greek maintained a fine balance, assaulting the Ottomans without offending the dignity of England and France, they would not interfere.

A bad idea was still better than no idea at all, and without better options, the bad idea had to make do.

Seeing that everyone was praising the idea, Otto I finally made a decision, “Then we’ll respond to the representatives of Austria and Russia, in this war we support them!”