Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 151
Chapter 151: Chapter 38, The Wind Rises
Translator: 549690339
In the Munich Palace, a meeting that would decide the fate of the Kingdom of Bavaria had begun.
“Your Majesty, your decision is too rash. At this time, if we align with Prussia, we will inevitably face retaliation from the Austrians,” said Prime Minister Mordes with a frown.
Recently, the Prussian Government had proposed “the establishment of a German cabinet of responsibility composed of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria, to jointly preside over the Germany Region.”
This was something Maximilian I had longed for. Without the government’s consent, he had privately concluded an alliance with the Prussians.
On the surface, if this plan succeeded, the Kingdom of Bavaria’s ultimate goal of “dividing the world into three parts” would be realized, as after all, their strength was limited and it was impossible to unify the Germany Region.
But in reality, this bait was poisoned. The Kingdom of Prussia’s reputation in the Germany Region had greatly suffered, and they urgently needed to salvage their reputation, which clearly explained the initiation of this cabinet of responsibility plan.
Now that Bavaria was entangled with the Kingdom of Prussia, for Austria, it was undoubtedly a betrayal, and retaliation was certain.
As the veteran power in the Germany Region, without Austria’s support, this so-called cabinet of responsibility was clearly impossible to establish, and Maximilian I’s pursuit of “dividing the world into three parts” was like drawing water with a bamboo basket—it all came to nothing.
In essence, they could not obtain any real benefits, and yet they had gotten mixed up with the disreputable Prussian Government. Not to mention, once the news spread, the support of the Bavarian people for the government would drop by several percentage points.
Not all Bavarians harbored the idea of dividing Germany into three parts. In many people’s view, the Kingdom of Bavaria was too weak. To realize the unification of the German People, cooperation with Austria was the best choice.
“Now, Austria is powerful, and the Kingdom of Prussia has just suffered its Waterloo. If we do not support them, the balance in the Germany Region will be broken.
The Vienna Government is currently undergoing social reforms, and from the intelligence we’ve received, it seems to be initially effective.
Austria, whether in terms of population or territory, surpasses the sum of all our remaining sub-states. Once they transform this potential into national power, who can stop them?” Maximilian I asked in return.
Prime Minister Mordes thought the same. Therefore, he supported joining Austria in unifying the Germany Region and establishing a Greater German Empire.
Since it was a joint effort, naturally, there would be the distribution of the cake. The Austrians would be the majority shareholders, and the Kingdom of Bavaria could be the second largest, naturally securing an important position in the future board of directors.
This was the choice that would best protect their interests. Cooperating with the strong was the way for small countries to survive. Historically, Bavaria joined the German Empire in just this way.
These thoughts would remain unspoken. Mordes wouldn’t say them out loud. Otherwise, Maximilian I would be furious. If even the Prime Minister lost confidence, what would become of them?
“Your Majesty, the timing is not right now. The reputation of the Kingdom of Prussia is too foul. The people have no good feelings toward them. Even if we were to cooperate with them, we should wait until this controversy has passed.
The Austrian Government is busy with internal reforms and won’t take any action within the next three to five years.
As long as our alliance is not terminated, even for the sake of reputation, the Austrian Government will not risk committing a great injustice against us.
Now, Bavaria’s involvement with Prussia has already stopped Austria’s pace toward unifying the Germany Region. Even if they wish to unify the Germany Region, they will need our cooperation to do so,” Mordes pondered aloud.
Reputation is a double-edged sword. Due to its reputation, Austria has become the leader among the German Confederation, but at the same time, this reputation has impeded Austria’s unification of the Germany Region.
“Nationalism has risen, and the idea of great unification has already spread in the Germany Region. If we do not take preemptive action, the further it goes, the less favorable it will be for us.
After the establishment of the Holy Roman Economic Alliance, the Austrian Government accelerated its pace of penetration in the Germany Region. On the surface, we can’t even stop it.
If we wait another three to five years, Austria might be ready to forcibly unify the Germany Region.
The influence of Austria in Bavaria is too significant. Who knows how many will become guides for them?
I do not believe that the Bavarian people will resist the Austrians like they would resist foreign invaders. From the civilian perspective, it seems that Pan-Germanists can’t wait for the Austrian army to come over.
We all understand that the main factor hindering the Habsburg dynasty from unifying the Germany Region is not military; Austria has the capability. The key lies in diplomacy.”
As he spoke these words, Maximilian I’s mood was very heavy.
The “Austrian threat theory” had existed for several centuries, but now, it seems to have run out of steam. The Pan-Germanists would prefer Austria to be stronger so that the nation could be unified sooner.
Due to Franz’s butterfly effect, the Austrian Government increased its influence on public opinion in the South German States. Acceptance of Austria among the general population was growing, something Maximilian I witnessed with urgency and concern.
Rather than say Maximilian I was pro-Prussia, it was more like he was forced by reality. To preserve power, forming an alliance with Prussia to counter Austria was the best choice.
Historically, he had thought this way, playing both sides between Prussia and Austria. However, he had not anticipated that after the Prussia-Austria war, the Austrian Government would directly withdraw from the Germany Region and stop playing the game.
The die was cast. The Bavarian Government, despite any objections to the King’s hasty decision, was powerless to change it. Having already offended Austria, now they could not risk offending Prussia as well.
On July 21, 1850, the Kingdom of Prussia, in union with Bavaria, Hanover, Brunswick, and other Sub-States, proposed the formation of a cabinet with ministerial responsibility to the German Federal Parliament.
History had changed, and due to damaged prestige, the Prussians altered their strategy, foregoing the so-called “Triangular alliance” and instead chose to join hands with Bavaria.
Vienna
The actions of the Prussians were, to some extent, tacitly permitted by the Austrians; otherwise, their coalition would not have been so easily formed.
When push came to shove, everyone was still furious about Bavaria’s betrayal.
Once the “Triumvirate Cabinet” was established, Austria’s influence in the Germany Region would be greatly diminished, and the betrayal by Bavaria was a slap in the face to the Austrian Government.
We have to stop the Prussians’ conspiracy, and Bavaria’s betrayal must be retaliated against. Otherwise, how can Austria continue to mix on the European Continent?
Metternich suggested, “Your Majesty, in order to counter Prussian and Bavarian ambitions, the foreign ministry proposes courting the smaller Sub-States in the Germany Region to establish a cabinet with ministerial responsibility collectively.”
The smaller Sub-States hold weaker voices, but there are many of them, which gives them an advantage in parliamentary disputes. Once the cabinet with ministerial responsibility is collectively established by all states, it will not be much different from the current Federal Assembly.
Just think, a cabinet with more than thirty members, arguing over every issue, one can imagine how effective they could be.
Under the principle of equality among Sub-States, the authorities of Prussia and Bavaria would be reduced to the same level as the smaller Sub-States, highlighting the role of Austria, which is recognized as the leading Sub-State in the Germany Region.
Prime Minister Felix thought for a moment and said, “I’m afraid it won’t be that easy. The great powers do not wish for unification in the Germany Region, and to believe that a cabinet with ministerial responsibility alone could unify the nation is a fool’s dream.
Even if such a cabinet were to be established, who could it actually command? Whether it’s us, or Prussia, or that traitor Bavaria, none would take the cabinet seriously.”
That was inevitable. How could a mere shell of a cabinet command the nation?
Finance Minister Karl suggested, “Since that is the case, why don’t we just muddy the waters.
The German Confederation cannot be without an Emperor. While we establish the cabinet with ministerial responsibility, let’s also propose an Emperor’s election, taking a significant step forward in the unification of Germany.”
Indeed, it would be a significant step forward. With a common Emperor and cabinet appearing, with the right and dignity present, the path to unification of the Germany Region becomes easier.
Clearly, the Kingdom of Prussia would not agree to it unless they were willing to accept subordinate status to Austria; otherwise, compromise on this issue would be impossible.
In any country, one must not lend out the reputation and material instruments of sovereignty. In the Germany Region, playing with the election of an Emperor leaves no competitors other than the Habsburg Family.
Influence, intangible and elusive, is something no one can ignore; its legal validity is one of the absolute factors determining European thrones.
Looking through the history of the Germany Region, one finds that those who had the standing to compete with the Habsburg Family have disappeared into the annals of history.
The remaining royal families of the various nations, whether in terms of influence or legal validity, are incomparable to the Habsburg Family.
If the idea were for the Habsburg dynasty to nominally unify the Germany Region, wouldn’t that be the resurrection of Shinra?
“Without the intervention of the great powers, we might be able to force the Prussians to accept, but right now it’s simply impossible.
I expect that as soon as this proposal is put forward, it will face collective opposition, and we cannot withstand such enormous pressure,” Metternich said, shaking his head.
It would certainly be great if we could unify the Germany Region bloodlessly, even if only nominally. Austria could then gradually turn “nominal” into reality.
Obviously, the great powers wouldn’t agree. Even the Russians, who are allied with Austria, would turn against us immediately. This is a red line.
The era is no longer that of the Middle Ages; nationalist sentiment within the Germany Region has awakened. Once unification is achieved, even if only nominal, such a Central European empire would be a formidable presence.
Whether it is France to the west, Russia to the east, or Britannia far overseas, all would feel threatened.
Standing in opposition to the nations of Europe, Austria is not Russia or Britain—it lacks geographical advantages and a channel that serves as a natural defensive line.
Located at the crossroads of conflict, Austria is doomed to be unable to act without allies in international politics. Isolation signifies danger.
Karl explained calmly, “Therefore, this proposal can only stir the waters. We don’t expect to unify the Germany Region with such a simple political maneuver.
The election of a German Emperor is merely a probe, testing not the governments’ attitudes, but the attitudes of the peoples of the Germany Region.
While the idea of great unification is widely spread, the people’s acceptance of Austria can only be roughly estimated. Now, consider it a public opinion poll.
This data can serve as an important reference for our strategy in the Germany Region, avoiding many detours.”