Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 131
Chapter 131: Chapter 18, The Fraudulent Donations Scandal
Translator: 549690339
Nations always prioritize interests in their dealings with each other. As Franz was scheming against the Russians, the Tsarist Government was likewise scheming against Austria.
This kind of planning was unrelated to alliances and was conducted within the confines of established rules. As long as interests outweighed contradictions, the relationship between the allies remained reliable.
After the establishment of the Russian-Austrian Alliance, the Tsarist Government eased its repression of Prussia.
Clearly, after the Austrian Government revealed its ambitions for the South German Region, the Tsarist Government worried that Austria might unify the entire Germany Region, threatening their hegemony in Europe, and prepared to allow the Prussians to counterbalance Austria.
The most direct expression of this was that Russia’s diplomatic pressure on the Kingdom of Prussia was no longer as forceful as before.
To some extent, Franz had inadvertently helped the Prussians. Of course, this assistance wasn’t enough for the Russians to allow the Kingdom of Prussia to annex the two principalities of Schleswig and Holstein.
The Tsarist Government still didn’t want to give up Denmark, a minor ally, as they needed a stable Northern Europe, and Prussia’s expansion had already disturbed the balance in Northern Europe.
The Tsarist Government was caught in a dilemma; the best choice was to let the Kingdom of Prussia develop towards the Central German Region and delay Austria’s unification of the South German States.
However, they couldn’t allow Prussia to unify the Germany Region, which would conflict with Russia’s strategy. In the eyes of the Tsarist Government, Austria was the best choice for an ally.
They had a certain strength but not enough to threaten Russia. Most importantly, the Habsburg dynasty was already very old, and it’s extremely difficult for any established empire to rejuvenate.
In comparison, a newly risen young empire was more worrisome. Youth meant it was still in its ascendancy, with endless possibilities for the future. Unfortunately, the Kingdom of Prussia was potentially one such young empire.
The Russians were very conflicted. On one hand, they wanted Prussia to balance Austria; on the other hand, they were concerned that Prussia might be swayed by England and France, stabbing Russia or Austria in the back at a critical moment.
In Nicholas I’s view, the best choice was to bring Prussia back into the fold, to return to the “Era of the Three Northern Courts,” or rather, “The Triple Alliance.”
Easier said than done.
In the end, it all came down to interests. For now, the Russians couldn’t sacrifice Danish interests, as it would chill the hearts of their allies.
Therefore, a joint Prussia-Austria partition of the German Region also became impractical. Clearly, one Northern Germany was hardly enough to satisfy the Prussians.
If Prussia were to reach out to the Germany Region, not to mention Austria’s unbearable agitation, even Nicholas I wouldn’t stand for it, as he couldn’t tolerate the emergence of a German Empire.
More critically, if Prussia and Austria divided the Germany Region, then the Kingdom of Prussia would indeed have grown significantly, conveniently blocking their path west.
Worse yet might be that after “The Triple Alliance” had defeated its enemies, it might lead to a Prussia-Austria front against Russia. The feeling of nurturing one’s own enemy is always undesirable.
St. Petersburg
To resolve the troubling issue, Nicholas I specifically convened an imperial conference.
The Prime Minister spoke first, “Your Majesty, we must either fully woo the Kingdom of Prussia, continuing the Berlin Convention, or join forces to suppress Prussia, ensuring they lack the ability to cause us trouble!”
Everyone knew what the choice entailed. Suppressing Prussia was simple: just ally with Austria and give them a sound beating, and it would ensure Prussia couldn’t recover for a decade or two.
But the problem was that once Prussia was subdued, Austria might aim not merely at annexing the South German Region but at unifying the entire Germany Region.
If suppression wasn’t viable, then the alternative was to woo Prussia. Wooing would come at a price—a price the Russians weren’t willing to pay. Asking them to cut their own flesh was akin to asking for their lives.
Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell analyzed, “Your Majesty, the Prussians are very ambitious. Currently, there are two main ideas for the unification in the Germany Region. One is the creation of the Greater German Empire by Austria’s unification of the entire Germany Region, and another is the unification of the German Confederation, excluding Austria, by the Prussians to establish Lesser Germany.
The latter is an idea concocted by the Prussians, whose goals are clear: to unify Germany. The war against Denmark they have initiated is an effort towards this goal.
If we are willing to support Prussian unification of the Germany Region, they will surely join the alliance. However, Austria will certainly not agree. It’s possible that before our strategy even starts, Prussia and Austria would have already come to blows.”
Nicholas I asked with a frown, “Is North Germany not enough to satiate the Prussians?”
The Russians pursued a policy where power determined the share of interests. Right now, the Kingdom of Prussia was at the bottom among the great powers, or rather, a quasi-great power.
The high regard for the Kingdom of Prussia in later times was because they unified Germany and established the formidable Second German Empire, elevating their status.
It’s not as if their mid-sized country with a population of 13 million had the power to match the other great nations.
“Your Majesty, we could try using North German to woo the Prussians. If that doesn’t work, we could then entice them to expand into the Low Countries,” suggested Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell.
The 19th century was an age of expansion, with every nation seeking to extend its power. Not expanding during this era essentially meant a slow suicide.
Don’t be fooled by many countries’ continued existence beyond this era; in reality, many overlook the risks they faced.
Let’s not even mention small countries like the Netherlands and Luxembourg. Even a great nation like Spain was continuously beaten down later on.
For countries like Prussia and Austria, with highly disadvantaged geographic locations, failing to expand and strengthen externally meant tragedy in the event of Russian advances to the west or French campaigns to the east.
Farming and development were not out of the question, but the pace of agricultural development was too slow. Without ample markets or industrial raw materials, two or three decades of hard work couldn’t match the results of others in just two or three years.
“No, allowing the Prussians to annex the North German Confederation is already very dangerous. If they were to gain Belgium and the Netherlands, then we would have another France.” The Prime Minister vehemently opposed.
“Your Excellency, our path to expansion to the west has already been blocked. Even if the Kingdom of Prussia grows stronger, it is impossible to retaliate against Russia. As long as we stir up Prussia-Austria conflicts, the western front will be stable. Our national policy should focus on fully exploiting the Mediterranean,” explained Carl-Wassell.
Russians’ incessant internal disputes relieved Prussia’s diplomatic pressure, giving the Prussians an illusion that as long as they conquered the Danish people and created a fait accompli, Russia would compromise.
Influenced by this, the Prussian Army quickly defeated the Danish forces at the front. On April 9, 1849, the Prussian Army once again entered the Jutland Peninsula.
Unlike the previous restraint, This time, to force the Kingdom of Denmark to capitulate, the Prussians showed no mercy, slaughtering all in their path. Before April was even over, half of the Jutland Peninsula had fallen.
If the Danish hadn’t had the foresight to establish their capital on Zealandia, and given the weakness of the Prussian navy, the Prussian Army would probably have marched straight to the heart.
Unable to withstand the pressure, Nicholas I was also infuriated by Prussia’s actions.
Who beats a dog without regard for its master? He had called a halt multiple times already, and yet they dared to continue military actions, utterly disregarding him.
Feeling his dignity provoked, Russia immediately took action.
On May 7, 1849, two Russian infantry divisions landed on the Jutland Peninsula, blocking the advancing Prussian forces.
Fighting was out of the question, Frederick William IV caved. News from St. Petersburg indicated that Russia’s tolerance had reached its limit.
Starting a war is easy, ending it is hard. Do not think that just because Frederick William IV had already suppressed the Revolutionary Party domestically, he could do as he pleased in Prussia.
The army’s overly successful campaign at the front was not entirely positive. Now the public’s attention was focused on the Prussia-Denmark War, and no one remembered their suppression of the revolution anymore.
However, the after-effects of burgeoning nationalism were emerging—the public could not tolerate failure, especially since victory on the battlefield had been achieved, only for the government to make concessions afterward.
A ceasefire was acceptable, but giving up the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies was not. This was a matter of principle; anyone who compromised was a traitor.
It wasn’t just Austria helping to rally support for Prussia; all the states in the German region, including those in the North Germany that leaned towards Prussia, made efforts.
It can be said that the entire German region was spiritually supporting Prussia. If this spiritual support could be converted into tangible support, then Frederick William IV wouldn’t have to cave.
Vienna
“Your Majesty, the Prussian ambassador in Vienna has sought our help. After the Foreign Office refused, they proposed fundraising war funds in Austria.
According to the intelligence we have received, the Prussians have already started fundraising domestically, and now they are targeting the entire German region. Their finances must be on the verge of collapse,” said Metternich with a chuckle.
Fundraising for war funds? That was a great idea Franz came up with to help the Prussian Government—the public’s money is not easy to take.
If the money was taken but the task was not accomplished, the enthusiasm with which people donated would turn into an equal measure of resentment.
“In that case, let’s cooperate with them. Have government officials aid in their fundraising, hype it up in the German region, and maybe inflate the actual funds raised by just a little bit.
The Foreign Office, on behalf of the Austrian Government, will donate ten million shields to Prussia to support their military campaign to reclaim Schleswig and Holstein for the German Federation.
But there’s no rush to give them this sum. Find an excuse to delay it, and if it can’t be postponed, claim financial difficulties as a reason for installment payments,” Franz pondered aloud.
A fundraising scam? In the 21st century, some would still dare to play this game, and Franz certainly did not mind emulating it.
No, his actions couldn’t even be considered a scam; it wasn’t as if the money wouldn’t be given at all.
As long as the Prussians could bring the two German Duchies back into the embrace of the German Federation, the Austrian Government would pay.
If the Prussians couldn’t withstand the pressure and gave up the already seized Schleswig-Holstein dukedom, naturally, the money wouldn’t have to be given either.
By the way, they should also incite the people of the German States to protest at the Prussian embassies, demanding the return of their hard-earned money.
“Yes, Your Majesty,” Metternich replied.
Prussian representatives would probably be overjoyed to hear this news. Would they be so thrilled that they’d die from excitement?